Culture

The Other Side of Europe: Russia

‘The Other Side of Europe’ is an article series providing information about EU (geographically or culturally) neighbour countries located between Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It follows a series in which we explored opportunities for future enlargement. In this third instalment, we will look at Russia.

Geography and Culture of Russia

Russia is a transcontinental country located between Eastern Europe and North Asia. It the largest country in the world by area, spanning across 207,595 square kilometres and covering more than one-eighth of the Earth’s inhabited land area, with a population of 144 million citizens. However, about 77% of the population lives in the western, European part of the country. From northwest to southeast, Russia shares borders with Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Poland and Lithuania (considering the Kaliningrad Oblast), Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, China, Mongolia, and North Korea.

Even the symbol of the crowned double eagle and the central crown (connected with the other two crowns) is a striking example of Russian cultural nature. One crowned head looks to Europe symbolising the Western European element, while the other one points to Asia, reflecting the Asian Oriental aspects.

Russian folklore takes its roots in the pagan customs of the ancient Slavs. Some Russian poets, like Yershov and Filatov, created a high number of famous poetical interpretations of classical Russian fairy tales. Alexander Pushkin, instead, created entirely original fairy tale poems. Since the Age of Enlightenment, Russian literature had grown in importance. From the early 1830s on, Russians lived through a period of flourish in poetry, prose, and drama. Tolstoy and Dostoevsky are just two examples of this astounding golden age. When Stalin came to power, the Soviet government started to censor folklore studies considering them part of the old tsarist system and capitalist economy. After that, the government removed fairy tales from bookshelves.

As well as for poetry and literature, Russian cuisine is a collection of the different cooking traditions of the Russian people. It comes from the multi-ethnic expanse of Russia, including influences from Northern and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, Central Asia, Siberia, and East Asia. Based on the peasant food of the rural population, it uses fish, caviar, mushrooms, poultry, pork, berries, and honey in addition to rye, barley, and wheat to prepare many assorted types of bread and alcohol like beer and vodka.

Different from the Russian cuisine is the Soviet cuisine, formed by the integration of the various national cuisines of the Soviet Union. It includes a small number of ingredients and simple ways of cooking. Most dishes were simplifications of Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and Western European (French and Italian, above all) cuisines. Essential elements were the canteens managed by the government called stolovaya.

Society and Religion of Russia

In Russia, almost 170 ethnic groups (considered as nationalities) are present. The populations of these groups can be enormously varied, from millions of Russians and Tatars to fewer than 10,000 like the Eskimo. According to a 2002 poll, 79.83% of the population speak Russian. Additionally, the Russian population is made up of 3.83% Tatars, 2,03% Ukrainians, 0,94% Chechens and 0.78% Armenians.

Russian was the sole official language of the Russian Empire. During the Soviet period, the policies toward the languages of the other ethnic groups depended on political choices. A superior status was reserved for Russian, but even though each republic had its idiom, Russian usually supplanted it even in unofficial contexts. Some tongues like Ukrainian, Latvian and Lithuanian underwent discriminations due to large forced displacements of people. In some regions like Eastern Latvia or Crimea, Russian people were moved and settled following Russification politics.

Now, most of the republics have at least two recognised languages — Russian and the local one. Even religion in Russia includes several different faiths. Eastern Orthodox Christianity is the most widely professed faith, but significant minorities of irreligious people, Muslims, Pagans, and Jews are also present.

Eastern Orthodox Church of Russia
Eastern Orthodox Christianity is the largest religious community in Russia

Economic Context of Russia

Russia has an upper-middle income mixed economy mainly based on the enormous amount of natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas. It has the 12th largest economy in the world by nominal GDP and the 6th largest by purchasing power parity (PPP). Since 2000, non-traded services and goods for the domestic market, as opposed to oil or mineral extraction and exports, have primarily driven economic growth. Natural gas, oil, metals, and timber account for more than 80% of Russian exports. According to the 2012 statistics, the oil-and-gas sector accounted for 16% of GDP and 52% of federal budget revenues.

Thanks to excess income stored in the Stabilization Fund of Russia, the country managed to repay most of its massive debts. Therefore, it has become one of the countries with the lowest amount of foreign debt among major economies. The Stabilization Fund also helped Russia to come out of the global financial crisis in a better state than many economists had expected. The average nominal salary per month increased from $80 in 2000 to $967 in 2013. Nevertheless, the sanctions imposed by the EU and the USA after the invasion of Ukraine made the entire economic system fall into stagnation with a high inflation rate. Therefore, in May 2016, the average nominal monthly wages had dropped below $450 per month, 13 percent of which are taken away by taxes.

Due to the war in Donbas, the fall of the Russian ruble increased the capital costs for Russian companies who had been paying interests on debt issued in dollars or in other foreign currencies. In 2016, the ruble had devalued by more than 50 percent compared to July 2014. Now, approximately 19.2 million Russians, 13.2% of the population, and one in four children live below the national poverty line. Officially, about 20–25% of the Russian population belongs to the middle class; however, some economists figured out the real share of about 7% after the economic sanctions of the EU and the USA.

Another critical factor for the Russian economy is corruption. Russia is ranked the second-most corrupt country in Europe (after Ukraine), according to the Corruption Perceptions Index. The Norwegian-Russian Chamber of Commerce also states that “corruption is one of the biggest problems both Russian and international companies have to deal with.”

State of Relations between Russia and the EU

The foreign policy concerning Russia is considered the first “common” foreign policy of EU Member States. Moreover, four European Union-Russia Common Spaces have been agreed as a framework within which both can establish better relations. The legal basis for the relations is the PCA (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) signed in 1994. Since 2007, it is automatically renewed every year. It includes the promotion of economic ties, especially investments and trade.

 Common Economic Space

The aim is to build an open and integrated market between the EU and Russia removing barriers to trade and investment. Additionally, the promotion of reforms and competitiveness, based on the principles of non-discrimination, transparency, and good governance is essential. Environmental issues are also present in this space, including nuclear safety and the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol.

Common Space of Freedom, Security, and Justice

This space saw a huge step forward with the agreements on the Visa Facilitation and the Readmission. Another key issue of this shared space is the cooperation between the European Border Agency (FRONTEX) and the Federal Border Security Service of Russia.

Common Space on External Security

This space deals with effective multilateralism, with joint support for the central role of the UN, OSCE, and the Council of Europe. The parties should have strengthened their cooperation on crisis management and security issues like terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Nevertheless, the Donbas war and the annexation of Crimea have been a terrible blow to the principles at the base of this common space.

Common Space on Research, Education, Culture

This space addresses the long-standing relations between Russian and EU Research and Development activities, connected under the TEMPUS programme. It aims at reinforcing the EU and Russian cultural and intellectual heritage by strengthening cooperation on education such as through convergence of university curricula and qualifications.

However, when one talks about EU-Russia relations, not everything is rosy. One needs to underline some fundamental issues and disputes.

Crimea

On June 20, 2019, the Council extended the restrictive measures introduced in response to the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by Russia until June 23, 2020. The standards, which apply to EU people and EU-based businesses, are limited to the territory of Crimea and Sevastopol.

Sanctions include bans on imports of products originating in Crimea or Sevastopol in the EU, as well as investments in Crimea or Sevastopol. This means that no European citizen and no EU-based company can buy real estate or entities in Crimea, finance Crimean businesses, or provide related services. Tourist services in Crimea and Sevastopol, in particular, European cruise ships cannot call at ports on the Crimean peninsula, except in emergencies.

Moreover, it forbits exports of certain goods and technologies to Crimean companies or those destined for use in Crimea in the transport, telecommunications and energy sectors, as well as of activities concerning the production of oil, gas and mineral resources. It is also forbidden to provide technical assistance or intermediation, construction or engineering services relating to infrastructures in these sectors.

Putin Crimea of Russia
President Putin at a concert celebrating the invasion of Crimea in Sevastopol

Kaliningrad Oblast

Since 2004, the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad Oblast is surrounded by EU members, isolated from the rest of the federation. Poland and Lithuania shared an external EU border and controls became stricter, leading to small tensions. In 2004, Germany opened a general consulate in the city, allowing Kaliningrad residents to obtain Schengen visas without having to travel to Moscow. Thanks to an arrangement with Poland and especially with the Polish centres of Olsztyn, Elbląg, and Gdańsk, Kaliningrad residents can get individual cards, which permit travel crossing the Polish-Russian border.

Association Agreements and the Invasion of Ukraine

After the Vilnius summit between the EU and its eastern neighbours in 2013, the Russian government succeeded in convincing Armenia and Ukraine to halt the negotiation of association agreements with the EU and instead begin negotiations with Russia. Nevertheless, despite the Russian government’s opposition, the EU summit negotiations were successful for Moldova and Georgia.

As a result of Russian pressure, widespread protests occurred in Ukraine. As a result, President Viktor Yanukovych (a member of the pro-Russian Party of the Regions) left Ukraine for Russia in February 2014. Subsequently, Russia started a military intervention in the border regions of Ukraine, especially in Crimea. It also gave support to the pro-Russian militia in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. The EU considered this action an invasion and it imposed visa bans and froze Russian officials’ assets.

In 2017, the EU and Ukraine signed the official Association Agreement, which provides for regular summits and meetings among ministers, other officials and establishes a “Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area”. From 2017 on, a visa-free travel regime has been active for Ukrainian citizens.

Russian Political Influence and Pro-Russian Parties in the EU

Russia expanded its political power using a wide range of techniques, including subsidising of political parties, movements and NGOs, spending on online propaganda and working on media broadcasting in EU languages. Many observers associate the Kremlin with an attempt to debilitate the EU and its reaction to the Ukrainian crisis. Russia has formed close ties with Eurosceptic and populist parties at both ends of the political spectrum.

By the end of 2014, various European far-right and far-left parties were getting financial or organisational support from Russia with the goal of assembling a common anti-EU and pro-Russian front in the European Union. Among the far-right parties included were the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), Alternative for Germany (AfD), National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), France’s National Front, Italy’s Lega Nord (now just Lega), Hungary’s Jobbik, Bulgaria’s Attack (Ataka), and Latvian Russian Union. Among far-left parties, there were members of Die Linke, Communist Party of Greece and Syriza.

In the European Parliament, the European United Left–Nordic Green Left have been depicted as a “reliable partner” for Russia, voting against resolutions denouncing and condemning Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine and the Russian intervention in Syria.

Strache FPO
Heinz-Christian Strache, leader of the FPÖ until May 2019

The Destabilisation of EU Member States

In 2019, Central and Eastern European leaders signed an open letter affirming that:

“Our hopes that relations with Russia would improve and that Moscow would finally fully accept our complete sovereignty and independence after joining NATO and the EU have not been fulfilled. Instead, Russia is back as a revisionist power pursuing a 19th-century agenda with 21st-century tactics and methods. […] It challenges our claims to our own historical experiences. It asserts a privileged position in determining our security choices, and uses overt and covert means of economic warfare, ranging from energy blockades and politically motivated investments to bribery and media manipulation to advance its interests and to challenge the transatlantic orientation of Central and Eastern Europe.”

Moreover, national security agencies in Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia have directly connected Moscow to local pro-Russian groups.

Some evidence of those contacts are the controversial contracts of cooperation established between the Estonian Centre Party, the Latvian Social-democratic Party “Harmony” (cancelled in 2017), and Putin’s party United Russia. Despite the impact of both parties on the national politics (the current Prime Minister of Estonia belongs to the Estonian Centre Party, and the mayor of Latvia to Harmony), these agreements had no impact on both countries joining NATO and the EU. Nevertheless, they are used as an essential tool of propaganda for Russian-speaking minorities in the two Baltic republics.

In November 2015, the president of Bulgaria, Plevneliev, affirmed that Russia had launched a massive hybrid warfare campaign “aimed at destabilising the whole of Europe”, acting with reiterated violations of Bulgarian airspace and cyber-attacks. British analysis of the Russian government’s English-language channel, Sputnik, found “systematic propaganda in favour of the “LEAVE” campaign which was too consistent with being the result of accident or error”.

In 2016, according to the chief prosecutor, Milivoje Katnić, a group of 20 people “planned to break into the Montenegro Parliament on Election Day, kill Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic and bring a pro-Russian coalition to power”. The facts are even clearer since the head of the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, Leonid Reshetnikov was dismissed by Putin a couple of days after the failed coup.

In 2017, three parliamentary representatives of the far-right German party Alternative for Germany (AfD) confirmed that they received $29.000 during a private jet visit to Moscow; in 2019 an Italian magazine published a transcript describing a private event in Russia at which “tens of millions” in financial support was offered to the League party of Matteo Salvini.

Cyber-attacks and Fake News

In 2007, following the Estonian government’s decision to remove the statue of a Soviet soldier, the Baltic country’s major commercial banks, government agencies, media outlets, and ATMs were targeted by a coordinated cyber-attack, which was later traced to Russia. Later, in April 2015, the French television channel TV5 Monde was targeted by a cyber-attack claimed by ISIL, but French sources said their investigation lead to Russia.

In May 2015, the Bundestag’s computer system was shut down for days due to a cyber-attack carried out by a hacker group that was likely “being steered by the Russian state”, according to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Germany. The agency’s head, Hans-Georg Maaßen, said that, in addition to spying, “lately Russian intelligence agencies have also shown a willingness to conduct sabotage.” British Prime Minister Theresa May accused Russia of “threatening the international order”, “seeking to weaponise information” and “deploying its state-run media organisations to plant fake stories”. She mentioned Russia’s meddling in German federal election in 2017 after German government officials and security experts said there was no Russian interference.

Internet Research Agency of Russia
One of the offices of the Internet Research Agency, a propaganda organization of the Russian government

Pro-Russian media have also produced fake stories to influence public opinion in European countries. In 2017, for example, a Russian TV team paid Swedish teenagers to fake anti-government protests in Rinkeby. Even in the Czech Republic, Russia set up tens of websites where conspiracy theories and fake news are published. According to the State Secretary for European Affairs, “The key goal of Russian propaganda in the Czech Republic is to sow doubts into the minds of the people that democracy is the best system to organise a country, to build negative images of the European Union and Nato, and to discourage people from participation in the democratic processes.”

A Lithuanian military analysis stated, “We have a pretty huge and long-lasting disinformation campaign against our society”. In 2018, the European Commission introduced a new Action Plan to contrast “disinformation that fuels hatred, division, and mistrust in democracy” as well as interference with elections, “with evidence pointing to Russia as a primary source of these campaigns”.

Military Threats

In 2015, Russia’s ambassador to Denmark stated that if Denmark joined NATO’s missile defence system, Danish warship “will be targets for Russian missiles”. The Danish foreign minister Martin Lidegaard said the Russian threats were “unacceptable” and “crossed the line”. In response, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Aleksandr Lukashevich said that Russia could “neutralise” the defence system of Denmark. The following year, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared that Russia would “have to take the necessary military-technical action” if Sweden joined NATO.

In 2016, these declarations lead Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Iceland to agree to increase their military cooperation. In 2017, Sweden reintroduced military conscription. Even Lithuania reinstated military conscription and called on NATO to bring more troops into the Baltic countries. Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė said: “I think that Russia is terrorising its neighbours and using terrorist methods”. In Lithuania, three guides about how to act in the case of a Russian invasion have been published in the last three years.

The Road Ahead

Trying to make sense of what lies ahead in EU-Russia relations is a tough task. In February 2014, a poll promoted by Russia’s largest independent polling centre, the Levada Center, found that almost 80% of Russian citizens shared a “good” feeling about the EU. These data changed drastically after the Ukrainian crisis in 2014. 70% of respondents then declared to have a hostile view of the EU.

Another Levada poll of August 2018, however, states that 68% of Russian respondents believe that “Russia needs to improve relations with Western countries”. Furthermore, 42% of Russians polled said they had a positive view of the EU, up from 28%

Nevertheless, one needs to consider that enormous differences are at play between the European and the Asian part of Russia. Moreover, the repressive attitude toward any internal opposition and journalists is surely worrying and may stop every type of evolution towards positive cooperation. Political attitudes in Moscow and St. Petersburg will determine whether or not a new cycle of relations between Russia and the European Union is possible.

Tags

Related Articles

One Comment

  1. Hey”
    I know intrested fact about Russia
    Russia is located in Europe. Russia is considered to be a developing nation. The developmental stage of a nation is determined by a number of factors including, but not limited to, economic prosperity, life expectancy, income equality, and quality of life.
    It’s true?

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

Back to top button
Close
Close