This week we’re talking Bulgaria’s ERM troubles, Norway’s frustration with Poland, and the situation at the Greek-Turkish borders in Thrace. Tune in now!

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Sources:

https://www.france24.com/en/20200303-eu-pledges-%E2%82%AC700-million-to-aid-greek-response-to-migrant-influx-from-turkey

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/28/tensions-rise-between-turkey-and-russia-after-killing-of-troops-in-syria

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-51721356

https://www.dw.com/en/greece-turkey-border-crisis-tear-gas-fired-on-both-sides/a-52632461

https://twitter.com/sebastiankurz/status/1234790936527474688

https://euobserver.com/tickers/147483

https://euobserver.com/tickers/147459

https://euobserver.com/tickers/147503

https://www.euractiv.com/section/economy-jobs/news/bulgaria-delays-entry-into-euro-waiting-room-until-july/

https://euobserver.com/economic/147529

https://euobserver.com/tickers/147572

https://www.reuters.com/article/us-syria-security-turkey-migrants/hundreds-of-migrants-in-turkey-head-towards-eu-borders-media-idUSKCN20M0KK

https://euobserver.com/tickers/147585

https://twitter.com/EuropeElects/status/1233874334189375488?s=19

https://verfassungsblog.de/for-norway-its-official-the-rule-of-law-is-no-more-in-poland/

The post Episode 5 – Migration crisis in southeastern Europe appeared first on My Country? Europe..

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The post Episode 4 – What we missed over the holidays! appeared first on My Country? Europe..

Today we’re talking about all sorts of goings-on, from Russia to the US, and from France to Ukraine, but our main focus will be Finland and its new prime minister, and what our host Jason makes of the situation in the show’s first, humble “opinion piece” segment. Feedback is always welcome, and thank you for tuning in!

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The post Episode 3 – Let’s talk about Finland appeared first on My Country? Europe..

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Links to articles used:

Romania – Iohannis wins presidential runoff vote

Electricity production from coal is on track to fall by 3% globally in 2019, the largest drop in history

Parliament approves new commission

Parliament declares climate emergency

ESA approves record budget

Slovakia opposes ratifying Istanbul Convention

Muscat will resign as PM of Malta in January due to the Galizia case

The post Episode 2 – We have a Commission! appeared first on My Country? Europe..

In this episode, we talk about Belarus’ trouble with Russia, Malta’s internal turmoil around the issue of a journalist’s murder, Bosnia’s newfound PM compromise, and more.

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Links to articles used:

Montenegro, Italy Turn on Undersea Power Cable

Belarus threatens to pull out of Russia integration deal over subsidy row

Belarus election: No seats for opposition as Lukashenko maintains power

Hungary’s Varhelyi Cleared for EU Enlargement Post

EU agrees 2020 budget deal

Bosnia names Serb as prime minister after compromise on NATO

Police investigating murder of Malta journalist arrest local businessman

EU’s Tusk to lead struggling European center-right umbrella group

Russian parliament backs law to label individuals foreign agents

UK misses UN deadline to return Chagos Islands

Any opinions expressed on the show are not intended to represent “My Country? Europe.” as a whole.

The post Episode 1 – Belarus and Russia in disagreement, Malta in turmoil, and Bosnia heading towards stability appeared first on My Country? Europe..

Of course, simply appointing would-be commissioners is not enough: they require rubber-stamping by the European Parliament, a process which is by no means automatic and has already resulted in a few surprise upsets. While that process is ongoing, however, it’s useful to look at the list of personalities that von der Leyen and the Member States have selected to serve in the next European Commission.

Belgium

Belgium’s new commissioner, Didier Reynders, is the kingdom’s former Minister of Finance and previously Minister for Foreign Affairs. He had already been pipped to receive a portfolio in Jean-Claude Juncker’s Commission in 2014, but fell to the sidelines at the last moment.

Reynders has been appointed as European Commissioner for Justice, Consumers and Gender Equality. This is a politically-laden portfolio, considering von der Leyen’s insistence on gender equality, and the complex questions facing European judiciaries. Reynders will also oversee the establishment of the new European Public Prosecutor’s Office. This office will be a brand new institution within the European Union, focusing on crimes involving EU funds and money laundering. Romanian anti-corruption champion Laura Cotruda Kovesi to this position speaks to the delicate nature of Reynders’ portfolio.

Reynders’ appointment, however, has been overshadowed by Belgian media reports of a corruption probe being conducted by public prosecutors. Specifically, Reynders is accused of receiving bribes by Congolese officials. The investigation was dropped after “the charges were dismissed because there was no criminal offence”, a spokesperson for the prosecution explained – but that hasn’t entirely quieted the controversy.

Bulgaria

Bulgaria’s new Commissioner is not a new face in EU politics. Mariya Gabriel served as Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society and has been part of Juncker’s team since 2017, following the resignation of the previous Bulgarian Commissioner, Kristalina Georgieva, in 2016. Throughout her time working in the EU, Gabriel played a pivotal role in the Danube Strategy, a project to improve and boost the Danube macro-region. 

She has a keen interest in diplomacy, which she demonstrated by entering the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, a body tasked with resolving conflicts, improving diplomatic and commercial relations between Africa, the EU and the Caribbeans. All the while, she has served as an MEP for nine years, being elected as a member of the GERB, a populist conservative party currently part of the EPP’s group.

Gabriel has been appointed as European Commissioner for Innovation & Youth, against Bulgaria’s Prime Minister’s preference for keeping the digital portfolio his country had under Juncker’s Commission. In the new role, her goal will be to create a steady flow of investments and a “true European Research Area” to improve technology through ongoing research and innovation shared across the Union. In this regard, the Commissioner’s aim is to ensure the creation of the European Education Area, triple the funds for Erasmus+ programmes, and update the Digital Education Action Plan. This plan is in line with Commission President’s declared focus on spreading culture, including sports, through digital and analogic means.

Czechia

Czechia’s candidate is a returning one. Věra Jourová has served in the previous Commission under Jean-Claude Juncker as the European Commissioner for Justice, Consumers and Gender Equality. 

One of Jourová’s greatest accomplishments during her previous term was the implementation of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), together with Andrus Ansip, Vice-President for the Digital Single Market. The regulation followed the imperative of “forging a common EU approach” to the guarantee of privacy for EU citizens’ data all over the world. Her portfolio also included negotiating the EU-US Safe Harbor Agreement and further collaboration with Ansip “to modernise and simplify consumer rules for online and digital purchases”.

Despite originally aiming for an economic or digital portfolio, Jourová has landed the Values & Transparency portfolio. This appointment moves Jourová to the level of Vice-President, providing her with a more powerful position than she had been looking for. 

Denmark

Margrethe Vestager (ALDE), the incumbent Competition Commissioner, will assume the Europe Fit for the Digital Age portfolio and an Executive Vice Presidency of the Commission.

During her tenure in the Juncker Commission, she has opened probes against large companies such as Google, Amazon, Apple, Gazprom, and Cyprus Airways, among others, for illegal state aid and trust practices. These investigations resulted in fines worth billions for infringement of EU competition and free-market regulations.

Before joining the Commission, she held several ministerial positions in Denmark, Ecclesiastical Affairs (1998-2001), Education (1998-2001), and Economy and Interior (2011-14). During her economic ministry, she was tasked with chairing the meetings of the ECOFIN in 2012.

In her new portfolio, she will retain her competition responsibilities. Vestager will also be tasked with leading a new strategy for Europe’s industrial future, drafting a Digital Services Act, and working on a European approach to Artificial Intelligence and digital taxation. It has recently been revealed that state aids and funds slated for agriculture have been moved from the Directorate General of Agriculture into Competition, where they will be under Vestager’s purview.

Germany

Ursula von der Leyen was a late bloomer in politics, in spite of her family’s long-lasting links with the CDU as well as the European civil service. She only began an active career in the 1990s, after completing her studies in medicine and in economics (currently holding an active medical license). Her career took off with the formation of Angela Merkel’s first government in 2005: von der Leyen became a close political ally of the new Chancellor, and occupied a variety of ministerial roles in the following fourteen years, making her the longest-serving member in Merkel’s cabinet.

With her appointment the Commission will have a German president for the first time in fifty years – although that was not the original plan. Following the European elections, Merkel had negotiated for Frans Timmermans to lead the new European Commission, with Manfred Weber meant to secure two consecutive European parliament presidency mandates as a consolation prize.

The plan went awry when the EPP vehemently protested against not getting the Commission presidency, rebelling against Merkel’s wishes and exposing fault lines between conservatives. These events led to a tortuous nomination process, with no real winners. Ursula von der Leyen emerged as a compromise candidate, and will be the first woman to hold the post of European Commission president.

As she tries to navigate a changing, fractious political climate, von der Leyen has a tough job ahead. So far, the team she has assembled displays a preponderance of foreign policy backgrounds, essential in a context of growing international fragmentation and great power competition. In this light, and thanks to her long-standing NATO contacts, von der Leyen seems well positioned to drive a push for closer industrial coordination on defence, and deeper EU-NATO integration. Climate change also ranks high among the new Commission’s political commitments, and efforts to create a gender-balanced Commission for the first time. Her position on rule of law controversies is less clear, and the combination of the looming global recession and internal EU political developments suggest a softer stance on fiscal and budgetary rigour.

Estonia

Born in 1977, Kadri Simson is an established player in Estonian politics having had a prolonged career within the country’s Centre Party. After serving in the country’s parliament for ten years, Simson became Minister for Economic Affairs and Infrastructure in 2016, as part of a coalition deal that saw Estonia’s centre-right and centre-left join efforts in government. She kept her post until April 2019.

Given her background, it is no small wonder that Estonian prime minister Jüri Ratas originally asked for her to receive the economic affairs portfolio in the new Commission. This would have provided a departure from Estonia’s assigned digital market portfolio in the Juncker Commission, which had been a recognition of the small country’s remarkable achievements in digitalisation. This was Simson’s preferred choice. 

That plan, however, was scuppered by the momentous events that took place in Italy during the summer. With the new Italian government proving much more amenable to the Commission’s wishes, the economic affairs portfolio passed to Rome and Paolo Gentiloni. This gave the new government in Rome a boost of much-needed legitimacy but it also left Estonia needing to improvise. The choice to give Simson responsibility for the energy portfolio stems from her experience with infrastructure, and von der Leyen’s stated reasoning is that Simson will bring a modern perspective to the issue of energy deployment across the Union.

Simson certainly has a lot on her plate: if the EU is to fulfil its commitment to carbon neutrality by 2050, energy efficiency legislation needs to be deployed immediately. Furthermore, adequate investment in research and development must be made to ensure that interconnectivity and energy storage can support continued decarbonisation.

Ireland

Ireland’s Phil Hogan is the Irish incumbent commissioner and is, once again, their choice for the Commission. The 59-year-old is a former Fine Gael (EPP) Member of Parliament in his native Ireland, having served in the country’s parliament for Carlow-Kilkenny between 1989 and 2014. His involvement in electoral politics goes back to 1979, when (at the age of 22) he was first elected as a councillor. 

His background as a farm worker and farmer’s son played a part in his appointment as European Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, a position he has served in since November 2014. During his term as commissioner, he was responsible for promoting growth and investment in new jobs through EU agricultural and rural development, renewing the effectiveness of EU spending in these areas, and lowering carbon dioxide emissions in agriculture. His experience, both in the Commission and prior to it, led many to conclude that Commissioner Hogan would retain the same role, but this was not to be the case. 

Commissioner Hogan will be receiving the much-coveted Trade Commissioner portfolio, something that he has allegedly sought for some time. While neither of his domestic Ministerial positions – Environment, Community and Local Government, and Finance – lend themselves directly to a trade position, it is Commissioner Hogan’s involvement in and advocacy for the Mercosur trade agreement that has been the most obvious indication of his interest in trade. Commissioner Hogan defended the EU-South American trade deal against domestic opposition, putting EU-wide trade concerns above the complaints of Irish farmers. This inevitably highlighted Hogan’s suitability as a man who will do what is best for the EU in its entirety and not just for domestic voter blocs. 

Furthermore, Ireland’s proximity to the UK and the exaggerated impact Brexit will have on the island nation are factors that no doubt played a role in Commissioner Hogan’s allocation to the trade position. Commissioner Hogan has spoken publicly and strongly on Brexit, and is a staunch critic of both Boris Johnson and Brexit itself. With a veteran, Irish Commissioner leading Trade on the Commission, it will be interesting to see what post-Brexit trade negotiations will look like.

Greece

Born in 1962, Margaritis Schinas is an EU politics veteran, although most of his career has seen him within the civil service. After many years serving as a functionary in the European Commission, Schinas became an MEP for Greek centre-right party New Democracy in 2007, and occupied the post until 2009. Following this, he rejoined the Commission in a more political role, eventually gaining the appointment to head the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs in 2013.

The Greek government under Tsipras was already keen on securing the migration portfolio, and the change of leadership following snap elections in the summer did not alter this policy. Schinas managed to overcome the challenge of former prime minister Antonis Samaras for the appointment, in part due to the latter’s outspoken opposition to the Macedonian name deal, and negative reputation in Brussels. This contrasts nicely with Schinas’ low political profile, outspoken pro-European views, and wealth of administrative experience with a number of portfolios. It is Athens’ hope that Schinas will be able to rebuild Greek credibility in Brussels.

The portfolio Schinas ended up with, however, is more complicated than just migration. Its title, “Protecting the European Way of Life” has drawn much comment and criticism for its apparent nod to the far right and to Islamophobia. It also brings together several different competences: Schinas will oversee elements of education and the labour market, as well as the original responsibilities for migration and border controls. 

In the two former policy areas, he will cooperate with other Commissioners, and it appears that von der Leyen’s intention is to entrust Schinas with legislating on young people’s transition from education into the labour market, the integration of migrants in the latter, asylum policies, and the coherence of the Security Union. The latter task will involve border controls, but also internal security and Member State coordination.

Spain 

72 year old Josep Borrell (PES) will succeed Federica Mogherini as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and will also be ex-officio Vice President. His portfolio will also bear the name of “A stronger Europe in the world”.

The veteran politician first became involved in local politics in 1975, when he was a lecturer in mathematics at the Complutense University of Madrid. During the socialist Felipe González’s tenure as Prime Minister between 1982-96, Borrell held several offices in the finance ministry, reaching fame due to his measures against tax evasion and fraud affecting celebrities. It was only in 1991 that he obtained a cabinet portfolio as Minister for Public Works and Transport.

With his party in opposition, he failed to win the 1998 primary election. However, he would get his first Europe-related position as Chair of the Joint Congress-Senate Committee for the EU a year later. He would also become the Spanish representative in the Convention on the Future of Europe, which drafted the European Constitution. In 2004, he was elected to become an MEP and the European Parliament’s President for two and a half years.  After his relative retirement from politics following the 2009 European elections, he kept a low profile and held a number of academic positions.

The Catalan crisis in late 2017 brought him back to the forefront of politics, as he became one of the most outspoken politicians against the secessionists’ manoeuvres to separate Catalonia from the rest of Spain. When the socialists returned to power in June 2018, Borrell became the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the European Union.

His new European portfolio is expected to be a continuation of Mogherini’s policies with increased powers relative to foreign aid, development support, and matters related to immigration. His appointment could further enhance the rule of law overseas, for he has been a staunch defender of this precept as the cornerstone of democratic societies.

France

French president Emmanuel Macron originally selected Sylvie Goulard (LREM/RE) to be the next Commissioner for the Internal Market. Her appointment, however, has been rejected by the European Parliament in a humiliating blow to Macron’s maneuvering. 

Goulard has served in the European Commission before: she was previously one of the political advisors of Romano Prodi, former Commission President. She also served as a former high functionary of the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and later got two terms as MEP, starting in 2009. Her role in the legislative has comprised matters related to economic and monetary affairs as well as relations with Japan. On her second mandate (2014-2017), she also joined the constitutional affairs committee. Goulard has often expressed her federalist opinions and is one of the co-founders of the Spinelli Group, an initiative aimed at reinvigorating the federalisation of the European Union. 

She tendered early resignations from her post as an MEP, following Emmanuel Macron’s election triumph. The reason behind the resignation was for her to take up a spot in Macron’s new government as Minister of the Armies. However, she was forced to resign one month into the job due to a financial scandal during the time as MEP.

That same scandal came back to bite her during two confirmation hearings of the European Parliament. The EPP spearheaded the criticism, and her answers pertaining to the scandal proved unconvincing to the chamber. Rumours have it that the EPP was exacting revenge on Macron for killing Manfred Weber’s candidacy to the Commission presidency. However, the confirmation hearings also unveiled parliamentary scepticism over her previous collaboration with an American think tank.

Moreover, the sheer complexity of her portfolio raised doubts about her ability to tackle the job. The new Internal Market portfolio has undergone a considerable transformation, absorbing elements of industrial planning and coordination, integrated military procurement, and a revamped European space programme. In von der Leyen’s thinking, the portfolio will also include responsibilities for developing new solutions to tackle the exit of the United Kingdom from the EU. 

After Goulard’s appointment was rejected, Macron proposed Thierry Breton as France’s candidate for head of industrial policy at the European Commission. Breton is Atos chief executive and served as France’s finance minister between 2005 and 2006. Given his pro-European conservative alignment it should be easier to get the European Parliament to approve the nomination.

Croatia

Dubravka Šuica (EPP) will be the next Commissioner for Democracy and Demography, as well as Commission Vice President. She began her career as a school teacher and university lecturer, and then won municipal elections to become the mayor of Dubrovnik in 2001, a position she left in 2009. She was also elected Vice President of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe in 2004, and occupied the position until 2016.

As soon as Croatia joined the EU in 2013, she became a MEP. Her role in the legislative has comprised the Vice Chair of the Delegation for relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, as well as membership of the Committee on Environment, Public Health, and Food Safety.

Her responsibilities in the Commission will include assessing the impact of demographic change on different groups in Europe, developing a long-term vision for rural areas, reconciling work and family, and countering the effects of brain drain. She will also lead the Conference on the Future of Europe, and the first step of her tenure will be to define its scope. Šuica is also tasked with enhancing participation in the Conference and following the Conference agreements.

Italy 

As of the 26th of August, the deadline for presenting a Commissioner nomination, Italy was one of only three EU states that failed to put forward a name. As a country in the grips of a governmental crisis, this was hardly a surprise. Nevertheless, Italy managed to appoint a nominee, if only after the expiration of the deadline, and tipped Paolo Gentiloni for the job. Gentiloni is a political heavyweight in his country, and his selection indicates how seriously the new Italian government takes the new Commission.

The 64-year-old is the former Italian Prime Minister, having served between 2016 and 2018. He is a founding member of the leading coalition party of the Italian government Partito Democratico (S&D), and is the party’s current president. His political career began in 2001, when he was first elected to the Italian Chamber of Deputies. He has served in the Italian legislature and executive continuously since then. 

Gentiloni will be taking up the mantle of Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs and serving as the Director-General for Taxation and Customs Union. This is an important appointment for Italy, as entrusting defence of the Customs Union is a sign of confidence in the new government, especially in the immediate aftermath of the League government’s antagonistic approach to Brussels. 

It could also be seen as an endorsement of Gentiloni himself. He is known as a staunch pro-European, and possibly a man well suited to the task of coordinating taxation across the Union. He will also likely have a role in the upcoming post-Brexit trade negotiations with the UK, especially if a future UK government is to seek closer alignment with the Customs Union. 

Cyprus 

Stella Kyriakides is a fresh player in the European Union, but far from a newcomer on the political stage. From 1979 to 2006, she served as a clinical psychologist for the Ministry of Health. From 2006 to 2017, she was part of Cyprus’ Parliament with the Dimokratikós Sinagermós (Democratic Rally) the liberal conservative, Christian party nowadays in charge of the country.

In 2017, she became the first Cypriot to serve as President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which oversees the European Court of Human Rights. Kyriakides has also served as president of European Breast Cancer Europa Donna and as President of the National Committee on Cancer Strategy.

Thanks to her experience, President-elect von der Leyen proposed the Cypriot Commissioner for the Health portfolio. In general, her mission will consist of improving “the quality and sustainability of [Member States’] health systems”. 

A large part of her job consists of trying to maintain or ensure the affordability of medicines all throughout the Union and to enforce technological development of medical devices. Her biggest challenge will likely be having to face off with the upward trend of anti-scientific beliefs such as anti-vax movements. Kyriakides will also be responsible for food-safety issues such as improving eco-sustainable food,  product information transparency for consumers, and the adoption of legislation against food fraud.

Latvia

Latvia’s Commission nominee is not a new face in European politics. Valdis Dombrovskis has just finished serving a term as the European Commission Vice-President for the Euro and Social Dialogue. He has also been overseeing the financial services portfolio formerly entrusted to British Commissioner Jonathan Hill, who resigned after the Brexit vote. Previously, he also served as Prime Minister, Minister of Finance, MEP, and member of the Latvian Parliament with an EPP-affiliated party. 

With his experience in financial policy, it is no surprise that Dombrovskis  has been assigned a position as Executive Vice-President, with the portfolio ‘An Economy that Works for the People’. This position will focus on supervising EU countries’ fiscal and macroeconomic policies, strengthening the economy against possible shocks, and further developing the Banking Union and the Capital Markets Union. Both Dombrovskis and von der Leyen have also stressed that this position will emphasise green finances and promote an economic transformation geared towards sustainable development.  

Lithuania

Lithuania has put forward its acting Minister of Economy and Innovation, Virginijus Sinkevičius, as the country’s candidate for the European Commission. The 28-year old is relatively new to politics: he started his career together with the ruling Farmers and Greens Union in 2016 and was appointed to his current post in 2017. The two MEPs elected with the Farmers and Greens Union currently sit with the Greens/EFA group in the European Parliament, however they are not part of the umbrella political family, the European Greens Party.

As a part of a centrist agrarian party, he is the sole Greens-affiliated commissioner put forward as a candidate in the new College and has been assigned the portfolio of Environment and Oceans. In this role, he will lead a new biodiversity strategy for 2030, deliver on the carbon neutrality by 2050 ambition programme, and attempt to shape a new circular economy action plan.

However, one issue is likely to arise during his time a Commissioner: Lithuania’s Farmers and Greens Union, despite the name, is not particularly devoted to climate change policy development. With von der Leyen hoping to put the environment at the centre of her term and the Greens group in the Parliament being a significant bloc to sway over, he might encounter substantive obstacles in getting his way in the next five years, unless he significantly increases his ambitions compared to the rest of his party back home. 

Luxembourg

Luxembourg has put forward the former Minister of Labour, socialist Nicolas Schmit, as its would-be commissioner for von der Leyen’s mandate. Schmit has previously participated in the Luxembourgish government under the former President of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker. He was the Minister-delegate for Foreign Affairs and Immigration, and developed his knowledge about European Union during his mandate.

He has landed the portfolio of Commissioner for Labour, Employment and Social Economy. His nomination was settled by a government deal reached after general elections held in 2018, and demonstrates how seriously the Grand Duchy takes its commissioner appointments. He is tasked with making good on von der Leyen’s pledge to make sure all EU citizens have access to a fair minimum wage.

Hungary

László Trócsányi is Hungary’s Commissioner-Designate for the von der Leyen Commission and is a member of the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz (EPP). He is an elected MEP, although at 63 his political and non-political experience is wide ranging. Before politics, Trócsányi was a lawyer and judge, with expertise across Constitutional, European, and Comparative law. His political career began in 2000, when the multi-tasking Trócsányi was appointed to serve as Hungarian ambassador to both Belgium and Luxembourg at the same time. He has also served as Minister of Justice between 2014 and June 2019. 

After his announcement as Hungary’s candidate, he openly stated that he wished to pursue the European neighbourhood policy and enlargement portfolio, which he was nominated for by von der Leyen. He was a very controversial nominee from the outset however, having been a vocal supporter of the idea that the West and East of the EU are fundamentally different. His confirmation was long in doubt and he was expected to remain without a portfolio. 

On the 30th of September his nomination was rejected by the Parliament’s Committee on Legal Affairs. Trócsányi’s law firm and its work for and with the Hungarian government proved one of the factors in his undoing, along with his possible conflicts of interest regarding Russia. Trócsányi condemned the decision of the Committee, and has slammed the decision as a “campaign of revenge” by “pro-immigration” forces, threatening his own legal action. Hungary has nominated its ambassador to the EU, Olivér Várhelyi, as its new candidate.

Malta

Malta’s pick, Helena Dalli, is one of the archipelago’s most experienced parliamentarians, gaining her seat in the Maltese parliament for the first time in 1996 with the Labour Party. Every new election since then has confirmed her in her role, which she also paired with the position of Junior Minister for Women’s Rights. In 2013, she graduated to a full ministerial position, running the Ministry for Social Dialogue, Consumer Affairs and Civil Liberties. Here, she vigorously advocated for minority rights and social equality. In 2017, she transitioned to a different ministry, namely that of European Affairs and Equality.

Dalli’s appointment is in continuity with her career. President von der Leyen has selected her to serve as Commissioner for Equality. She will have an explicit political mandate to create a “European gender strategy” and to foster the implementation of LGBT+ rights all across the Union. 

Netherlands

Smarting from having lost the presidency race to von der Leyen, Frans Timmermans will fall back on a second term as Commissioner. He had previously served as Juncker’s right-hand man, in the position of First Vice-President of the Commission in charge of Better Regulation, Inter-Institutional Relations, the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. 

During his first term, he repeatedly and vocally criticised Poland’s judiciary reform, as well as the state of the rule of law in Romania and Hungary alike. In 2017, he was behind the launch of infringement procedures against Poland over the independence of judges. It was the first time in the bloc’s history that the nuclear option of infringement proceedings under Article 7 had been activated. 

Timmermans has been assigned to an Executive Vice-President position in order to lead the work on the European Green Deal, which should be presented in the first 100 days of the new Commission’s mandate. His goal will be to increase the ambition of 2030 emission reduction targets of the Union, lead international negotiations to increase the level of ambition of other major emitters by 2021, and help fund the transition of coal-intensive regions to renewables. He will also deal with climate more in general: the end-goal will be to enshrine a 2050 climate-neutral target into EU legislation and creating a new cultural mentality towards climate in citizens, businesses, and governments alike. 

Austria

Johannes Hahn is not a new name in Austrian, or indeed European politics. He began his activism for Austria’s conservative People’s Party during his student years in Vienna. Save for a stint serving as the CEO of gambling company Novomatic, Hahn has devoted most of his time to his political career. In the early 1990s, he became an advocate for Austrian accession to the European Union, and in 2007 he became Austria’s Minister of Science and Research.

Most significantly, however, Hahn has plenty of experience serving as a Commissioner. He first landed the post of Commissioner for Regional Policy as part of Barroso’s tenure in 2010. He was later confirmed in Juncker’s Commission, this time taking responsibility for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations. This makes his would-be appointment to the von der Leyen Commission his third consecutive stint in the institution.

President von der Leyen has nominated Hahn to be the new EU Commissioner for Budget and Administration. This happened with the auspices of the Austrian caretaker government: its right-wing predecessor, led by Sebastian Kurz, was more inclined to replace Hahn with a more conservative figure. Hahn’s expertise in modernising an administration has been cited as the reason for the appointment, and with the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework due for renegotiations soon, there is no doubt that Hahn will have a big job on his hands.

Poland

Initially, Poland put forward Krzysztof Szczerski as its Commission nominee. However, Warsaw was forced to an embarassing back-track when von der Leyen announced that Poland would receive the Agriculture portfolio. Szczerski had a complete lack of experience in the field, and Poland had only appointed him with the expectation that he would receive a different portfolio. Szczerski therefore decided to withdraw his candidacy. 

In his place, Poland tipped Janusz Wojciechowski as a candidate. Wojciechowski’s political career began in Poland’s agrarian United People’s Party, and since 2003 he has been working for the European Parliament, starting with the agricultural sector in 2004: he served as Vice-Chair of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development. He also served the EU Parliament as a member of the Committee on Budgetary Control and as a member of the EU delegation to various countries.

During his many terms in the EU Parliament, he has worked on various themes regarding agriculture, focusing a lot on animal rights: from how they are transported to their protection at the time of killing, a theme that he will probably delve into in considerable depth as Commissioner for Agriculture.

Portugal 

Elisa Ferreira (S&D) will serve as Commissioner for Cohesion and Reforms, the successor of the regional policy portfolio. She will inherit the duties of former commissioner Corina Crețu, adding reform responsibilities to them. Her department manages up to one third of the EU’s budget, by means of the European Regional Development Fund. It aims to transfer money from richer regions to the less well-off, create sustainable jobs, and develop particular regions of the EU.

Her background includes six years (1995-2001) in the Portuguese cabinet office as Minister for Environment, first, and then for Planning. She was elected as MEP in 2004, where she served as a member of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, advocating for the ECB to obtain the power to oversee financial stability in the Eurozone. She resigned her seat in 2016 to be appointed deputy governor of the Bank of Portugal, post that she holds to this day.

Romania

Out of all the Member States, Romania was the only one to propose more than one candidate for the Commission, leaving the actual nomination to Brussels. Von der Leyen, in the spirit of gender-balance, elected to nominate Rovana Plumb, recently elected as MEP in the last European elections with the Socialist and Democrats. She has been assigned the role of Commissioner for Transport. 

The nomination has been controversial, since Plumb is no stranger to problems with the law. In October 2017, she narrowly escaped investigation in a corruption case after the Chamber of Deputies voted against lifting her parliamentary immunity, thus not allowing the National Anticorruption Department to carry out its inquiry. 

Moreover, during a first European Parliament hearing last week which aimed to scrutinise candidates’ fitness for office, the Parliament’s Legal Committee (JURI) raised concerns of Plumb possibly having conflicts of interest. In particular, she was called to account for two loans worth nearly €1 million that she did not declare in her original financial statement to the committee. In a second meeting on the 30th September, MEPs officially rejected her nomination as she is “unable to exercise” her functions at transport commissioner due to these conflicts of interest. JURI’s position means that Plumb cannot proceed to her confirmation hearing.

The Romanian government announced former Interior Minister Dan Nica as substitute nominee soon after the confirmation of the existence of Plumb’s conflict of interest. However, Nica has also been investigated for corruption in the past. It is no surprise, then, that von der Leyen has not approved him for the list of hopeful EU commissioners. Following a surprise topple of the government thanks to a successful vote of no-confidence, the new interim government will have is expected to nominate a third potential candidate soon. 

Slovenia 

Janez Lenarčič has served almost uninterruptedly as an independent diplomat since his graduation in 1992. Being experienced both in national and international politics, he has been appointed as Commissioner for Crisis Management.

This area is strongly linked with his past role in the OSCE, which mandates on human rights, arms control, and guarding on fair elections in at-risk countries. In his long-lasting career, Lenarčič, has achieved high honours, such us the Legion d’honneur, the greatest French Award, and being entrusted to represent his country in the Lisbon Treaty negotiations of 2007.

As Commissioner for Crisis Management, Janez Lenarčič will be also the European Emergency Response Coordinator, entrusted to swift and strengthen EU’s response all over the globe. He should also enforce national plans to face and prevent emergencies, using to his full extent rescEU, an upgrade of the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. In her mission letter, von der Leyen set his role’s focus on the ongoing refugee crisis and the Union’s role as advocate for international humanitarian laws.

Slovakia

The Slovak nominee is, for the third term in a row, Maroš Šefčovič. He has served in the Commission for a decade, starting in 2009 as the Commissioner for Education, Training, Culture and Youth (2009–2010), then Vice-President of the Commission for Interinstitutional Relations and Administration (2010–2014), and currently outgoing as Vice-President of the Commission for the Energy Union (since 2014). 

During his previous terms as Commissioner, Šefčovič can be remembered for his long-standing mediation of the standoff over gas supply between Russia and Ukraine. In 2015, he was instrumental in brokering an agreement between 15 Central, Eastern and Southeastern European countries to create a fully-integrated energy market and reduce reliance on Russia. 

His nomination comes as a respite after two unsuccessful campaigns this year, one to become President of Slovakia and the other to be the centre-left candidate for the Commission Presidency. Under von der Leyen, he will be Vice-president for Interinstitutional Relations and Foresight. In this position, he will promote dialogue and communication between the Commission and the European Parliament, as well as increasing communication with citizens. 

Finland

Finland’s nomination for the Commission is Jutta Urpilainen, the first woman to be nominated for the Commission by Finland in its 24 years of EU membership. The 44-year-old is a member of Finland’s ruling Suomen sosialidemokraattinen puolue, the Social Democratic Party of Finland.

She performed the role of both Deputy PM and Finance Minister between 2011 and 2014 and was also the Chairperson of the Party between 2008 and 2014. It was in her role as Finance Minister that she first garnered fame beyond Finland’s borders, due to her demands that collateral be exchanged for Finland’s participation in bailouts for other, less frugal, Euro countries. 

While her experience led many to tip her for a financial role in the Commission, she will in fact be taking up the Directorship of the International Cooperation and Development Directorate. In her position as Director General for DEVCO, she will be responsible for helping maximise the efficiency of the EU’s foreign aid programs with a view to eventually eliminating poverty globally. Although not as highly coveted a position as some others, there is room for interesting developments in this area. As the EU takes a more assertive position on the world stage, DEVCO’s remit for encouraging and expanding human rights and democracy world-wide could be part of a wider policy pivot back to soft power projection and democratisation. Only time will tell.

Sweden

Ylva Johansson is at her first international role, after a prestigious yet controversial national career. She started out in politics with the Communist party VPK and later moved to the Social Democrats. The Commissioner hopeful has served in various positions in the government since 1994, spacing from Schools to Employment, going through Welfare and Elderly Healthcare.

Johansson has been assigned the Home Affairs portfolio. In her mission letter, von der Leyen highlighted the centrality of immigration issues in this mandate and, with that, Johansson’s own role to play. The goal in the next few years will be to obtain a New Pact on Migration, in order to close loopholes between asylum and return rules and support the countries which are under the most pressure. She will work alongside with the European Coast Guard Agency to stop human trafficker and smugglers and restore citizen and States trust in the EU and, hopefully, restore a functioning Schengen area. Additionally, she will contribute on the fight against terrorism and radicalisation, both in real life and on the Internet, enforcing communication between European agencies on security.

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One year after the uprising, small Pride marches took place in two other American cities. In two years’ time, Europe would follow suit. With time, Pride marches moved from the fringes to the mainstream of European culture and would be the promoter of profound social change.

Despite the first spark being kindled in America, active European LGBT activism predates the riots by decades. Precisely, the interwar period saw the blossoming of European associations, building on a pre-existing demand to decriminalise homosexual relationships.

In this article, we travel from the darkest times to the days of glitter and celebration most of Europe lives in. Of course, we also cast a light on the places where the rainbow is yet to shine.

Historical Precursors in Europe

Male homosexual relationships were usual in Ancient civilisations until the adoption of Christianism by the Roman Empire and the Christian interpretation of marriage became institutionalised. The Middle and Modern Ages brought no significant change, and death was often the legal punishment for male homosexuals and cross-dressers.

On the other hand, female homosexuality records are few and far between them; Sappho‘s verses are the remarkable exception in the Greek island of Lesbos. Female homosexuality was harshly punished during the Middle Ages, but romantic friendship rarely raised concerns in the 18th century.Despite the differences in the statutory books, lack of acceptance of homosexual relationships cut across European borders in the 18th century.

The 18th and 19th Centuries: an ugly read and a glimmer of hope

Precisely, European criminal laws of the time were those of the Ancient Regime. Before the French Revolution, homosexuals could be burned to death in France or hanged in Great Britain. The Holy Roman Empire made it also a capital crime, as did Denmark.

What was striking there was not the fact that homosexual intercourse could be punished by death, but the fact that these provisions had not been relaxed during the 18th century. Notably, the Spanish Inquisition stoned, castrated, and burned sodomites¹ until 1700. Italy would change its sodomy laws in 1786, replacing executions by imprisonment.

It was in 1791, in the wake of the French Revolution, that French legislators wrote homosexual intercourse off the criminal law. Before the turn of the century, Monaco, Prussia, Luxembourg, and Belgium followed the French example. During the 19th century, the Netherlands, Portugal (later rolled back), the Ottoman Empire, San Marino, and Italy followed the French example. Nevertheless, it was nearly impossible for homosexuals to have an open relationship. Societies of the time were far from accepting same-sex couples, irrespective of what the law said, and charges of indecency could still be brought upon.

Indeed, setbacks did occur during the 19th century, as queen Victoria gave royal assent to the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885. It made male homosexual relationships punishable with up to two years in prison, with sexual intercourse bringing a life sentence where proven. Eminently, the bisexual writer Oscar Wilde was prosecuted and sentenced to two years behind bars under this amendment’s provisions.

A notable example: the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft

In May 1871, a mere four months after German Unification, Paragraph 175 came into force to punish male homosexual acts with prison terms. However, it did not arrive without voiced objections. As early as 1897 the physician Magnus Hirschfeld collected as many as six thousand signatures to revoke it. In the coming years, attempts to delete it from German legislation failed, and they even backfired as plans were introduced to outlaw female homosexual acts as well, but World War I halted them.

It was in the Great War’s aftermath that Dr Hirschfeld and Arthur Kronfeld set up the Institute for Sex Research with the purpose of gathering scientific research on human sexuality from the medical and psychological points of view, as well as offering advice on marriage and sex. The Institut organised a series of conferences that culminated in the creation of the World League for Sexual Reform in 1921.

Its platform ultimately sought the legalisation of all sexual acts between consenting adults, whether hetero- or homosexual. Remarkably, they also campaigned for gender equality, comprehensive sex education, and reforms to eliminate the dangers of prostitution.

Some of the Institut’s most famous work consisted in the first successful sex reassignment surgery. Lili Elbe, who has come to be known as ‘the Danish Girl’ in popular media, was the first person who successfully underwent this surgery.

Assigned male at birth (1882), she had lived as Einar Wegener and enjoyed a successful career as a painter. As Einar, she married her wife, Gerda Gottlieb in 1904 and settled in Paris. During her marriage, Lili started identifying as female and, would openly live as a lesbian couple with her wife. In 1930, after knowing about Dr Hirschfeld’s Institut, she would trust him with her physical transition.

Lili underwent surgery and went on to obtain legal documents, including her passport, reflecting her affirmed identity. However, her marriage with Gerda Gottlieb was annulled and the couple eventually parted ways. Lili would die as a result of complications derived from her fourth operation in 1931.

The rise of totalitarianism

However, perilous times awaited the Institut and the German gay community in general, as Adolf Hitler rose to power in January 1933. Within weeks of achieving the government, the Nazi Party started its purge of gay clubs in Berlin, banned homosexual publications, and forbade gay groups; this crackdown led up to the Institut’s dissolution, and the German LGBT community would not be exempt from the horrors of the Third Reich

The rise of totalitarian regimes and WW2 brought generalised deterioration of civil liberties in continental Europe, and LGBT people were normally sentenced to hard labour. In Britain, gay men had to choose between serving a prison term or undergoing conversion therapies², as did war hero Alan Turing before committing suicide in 1954.

The turning point: Stonewall inn

In the sixties, the United States of America were not essentially different from Europe, as police custody without charges was common for homosexuals. On top of that, very few establishments accepted gay people. However, clubs that welcomed LGBT individuals started to break through in populous cities like New York.

These clubs, which were the only place where gay people could find a space of liberty, had a strong clientele made up of LGBT people. Being in the only safe space they could afford could make them an easy target for vigilantes and the police.

The riots

Soon after midnight on the 28th of June, 1969, the New York Police Department took the Stonewall Inn, a Mafia-owned LGBT club. Arrests followed, and some customers refused to be identified. Inspector Pine, in charge of the raid, decided to take everyone to the police station. However, there were way more people than expected that night, and they were angrier than usual; they had had enough.

Thus, as employees were frog-marched to a police wagon, the revolt began. Detainees escaped police wagons, and a fight broke out, overwhelming the raiding police. The NYPD Tactical Patrol Force was deployed to besiege the Inn; the ensuing tumult resulted in thirteen arrests, four injured police officers, and the club’s devastation.

The following night, the outbreak sparkled through surrounding streets and the uprising escalated further. There would be fires, as well as some other urban battle tactics. Car ravaging and some looting followed the fracas. All in all, this was the first time the LGBT community directly fought back against government action.

The after-effects of the riots

Before the riots, American LGBT activists were divided in two factions: on the one hand, the integrationists sought normalisation and aspired to take one step at a time; on the other hand, the confrontationists took pride in their differences and demanded greater change. However, the Stonewall riots brought the former to the latter’s side.

Traditionally, American activists organised a peaceful picket in front of Philadelphia Independence Hall every 4th of July, with all participants conforming to the social norms of the time. That year, having reached their limits, they found the courage to hold hands – a gesture many thought they could not afford.

It gave them fresh press attention, and two associations came to prominence – the Gay Liberation Front and the Gay Activists Alliance -, now seeking outright liberation. Police raids and marches interspersed with one another in the following twelve months. On 28th June 1970, simultaneous Pride marches were held in New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago for the first time ever. Demonstrators not only commemorated the riots’ anniversary but also claimed visibility -by occupying public spaces- and legal change -at first, legalisation, then equality.

Pride comes to Europe: the 20th Century

In 1971, Pride marches spread far and wide in the United States, as well as debut in Europe: London, Dublin, and Oslo held the first demonstrations on European soil. By that time, the activists’ aim was no longer to convince people that they could pass for heterosexuals, but to vindicate them being exactly as they were.

London celebrated its first Pride march in 1972. Two thousand demonstrators marched down Oxford Street demanding equality and fair treatment on 1st July, the closest Saturday to the revolt’s anniversary. London Pride kept gathering small crowds until 1988. That year, thirty thousand demonstrators showed their opposition to the recently introduced Section 28, which aimed to limit the promotion of homosexuality.

Many European capitals rapidly followed London’s example. By the late eighties, Pride events were widespread throughout Western Europe. Indeed, Madrid celebrated its first Pride event in 1978, a mere three years after Franco’s death. Seven thousand people joined the march to demand decriminalisation of homosexuality. In that same spirit, Berlin hosted its first Pride event in 1979, with only 500 attendants, a number that would also grow year after year.

Momentum and legal change

In the West, the success of Pride marches across European borders propelled the inception of EuroPride in 1992. This is a pan-European LGBT event hosted in a different European city every year, reaching not only the West but also Eastern capitals like Warsaw and Riga. Still, activists would reach some milestones before the first EuroPride parade.

In 1979, Sweden removed homosexuality from the list of mental disorders following the occupation of the National Board of Health and Welfare by a group of activists. The World Health Organisation would need an additional eleven years to pull homosexuality out of International Classification of Diseases’ tenth version.

Sweden is, in fact, one of the most progressive countries in terms of social acceptance of LGBT individuals in the world. In 1972, the Nordic country became the first country to offer free sex reassignment treatment. Under the Gender Recognition Act 2012, Swedes may freely choose their legal gender, with sterilisation no longer being a requirement for sex reassignment surgery.

Denmark led the race towards same-sex civil unions. Early in the eighties, the Danish National Organisation for LGBT put forward a bill to offer same-sex couples an alternative to marriage, for marriage was a matter reserved to the Church. Thus, the Danish Parliament passed the Registered Partnership Act in 1989 following an arduous legislative process. Even if it fell short of granting full equality, this law was an important stepping stone.

Western countries followed the Danish model in the nineties, with the LGBT community gathering broader support form the greater public to make historic gains. With Germany ditching Paragraph 175 in 1994 and domestic partnerships becoming the norm in Western Europe, the train of LGBT rights seemed unstoppable.

Across the Iron Curtain

Eastern Europe had to wait until 1999 to see its first Pride event. It was Minsk, Belarus, the first former Soviet city where LGBT people would demand their rights in a series of conferences organised by the magazine Forum Lambda and the Belarusian League for Sexual Equality. Most Pride-related events would be banned the following years or interrupted midway. As of today, six years have passed since Minsk’s latest Pride march.

Warsaw hosted the largest Pride march in Eastern Europe, with more than 50,000 attendants in 2019. The Czech Republic follows closely behind, with an estimation of 40,000 participants in Prague Pride 2018. Nonetheless, celebrating Pride events is not permitted in some Eastern European cities: due to a local ban by Moscow’s city courts, Pride marches are illegal in Russia’s capital until the year 2112.

Into the 21th century

In 2001, the Netherlands became the first country in the world to enact same-sex marriage. Same-sex partners won full recognition under Dutch law in spite of the staunch opposition of Christian parties.

The Dutch charity Cultuur en Ontspanningscentrum (Centre for Culture and Leisure) was essential in the development of a gay subculture in Amsterdam during the fifties and sixties. Henk Krol led the movement in the eighties to further enhance tolerance towards LGBT community and, as early as 1995, the Dutch Parliament set up a commission to explore the possibility of granting equal marriage rights to same-sex partners. Six years after, the impossible had already been achieved.

Belgium followed suit in 2003.

The largest European Pride: Madrid

With the turn of the millennium, Madrid Pride’s success had not only brought LGBT rights to the fore but it also helped Madrid blossom as a gay-friendly touristic destination.

In 2005, Spain became the third country in the world to legalise same-sex marriage. Despite two thirds of Spaniards supporting the bill, its passage was nothing short of controversial, as a 180,000-strong crowd spearheaded by senior Catholic bishops and the People’s Party congregated under the motto family matters to show their opposition to the proposal.

Probably owing to this and the demonstrations that followed, LGBT matters kept gaining public attention to make Spain one of the most open and tolerant countries in the world. Nowadays, Madrid Pride is the largest LGBT event in Europe and the second in the world, with more than 1.5 million people every year.

Pride and equality today

At the time of writing, Western Europe has become a beacon of marriage equality. As of today, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland France, Great Britain, Iceland, the Republic of Ireland, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden have recognised same-sex couples the right to marry.

Madrid is not the only massive Pride event nowadays; London Pride is now one of the most popular events in the UK’s Capital and one of the greatest Pride parades in the world with more than one million attendants every year. Paris, Stockholm, Brussels, Vienna and Amsterdam are but five European capitals where Pride marches gather hundreds of thousands.

Shadows Remain on the East

While same-sex marriage enjoys widespread support in Western Europe, the West-East divide on LGBT rights remains a substantial challenge to European cohesion since as many as fourteen Eastern European countries have introduced constitutional amendments to exclusively define marriage as a union between a man and a woman.

Given the Catholic Church’s grip in Poland, LGBT rights are largely limited. The ruling PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński asseverated in 2005 that “homosexuality is the downfall of civilization“, and the country’s constitution bans same-sex marriage. Notwithstanding these facts, Poland lets homosexual males donate blood, which is something still forbidden in several Western countries, and it can take pride in being the only European country where homosexuality has never been illegal.

Both Russia and Belarus pose serious concerns for the LGBT community, where discrimination is still legal. While Russia lets trans persons change their documents after undergoing reassignment surgery, federal law explicitly prohibits so-called gay propaganda, actually making nearly impossible for LGBT individuals to live openly and to discuss all matters related to their sexual orientations or gender identities. Contrary to what the laws suggest, recent polls suggest that 47% of Russians agree that lesbians and gays should enjoy equal rights.

Romania has taken encouraging steps towards equality by introducing protection against discrimination, yet there remain significant hurdles to clear. As a token, the country held in 2018 a referendum to introduce a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage; the amendment was only not adopted since the vote failed to meet the turnout threshold.

Czech and Slovakian breakthroughs

The Czech Republic remains a beacon of progress in LGBT matters in Central and Eastern Europe. While registered partnerships have been legal since 2006, albeit with some major drawbacks: for instance, joint adoption and in vitro fecundation are still out of reach for same-sex couples. Nevertheless, a light appeared on the horizon in 2018 with the introduction of a bill to extend marriage to same-sex couples.

Neighbouring Slovakia is keeping a close watch, for the victory of liberal and pro-LGBT rights Zuzana Čaputová in the 2019 presidential election offers Slovaks a bit of blue sky in their way towards LGBT equality.

Footnotes

1. Sodomites: legal term used for men involved in sexual intercourse with other men. It commonly included bestiality, thus giving male homosexuals and zoophiles the same treatment.
2. Conversion therapy: term used for the pseudo-therapies, i.e. programmes with the aspect of clinical therapy but without the backing of solid scientific research, that aimed to change the so-called patient’s sexual orientation or desire, or gender identity.

This article has been jointly written by Samuel Ranz and Cristina Zamora García.

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The centre-right EPP emerged once more as the largest country, ahead of the centre-left EPP. For the first time in the history of European elections, however, the two parties combined won’t be able to form a majority. The elections also saw the consolidation of the far right, and a surge for liberals and greens. In this article, you will find a rundown of the results country by country. For the Union-wide results, please head over here, whereas for an analysis of the overall vote, we have you covered. Here are the election results – country by country.

Austria (18 seats)

Turnout: 60% (+5% from 2014)
System: single-constituency proportional, 4% threshold

Chancellor Kurz’s centre-right ÖVP party (EPP) was confirmed as the largest party, netting 34% of the vote. This was not enough to save Kurz from the vote of no confidence that toppled his government last week, but it does provide the EPP with a good result. Centre-left SPÖ (S&D) comes second, with 23%, ahead of the far-right FPÖ (EAPN) at 17%. The latter is still reeling from recent scandals. The Greens and liberal party Neos are the smaller Austrian parties to make it into Parliament, with 14% and 8% respectively.

The EPP is the net winner in Austria, getting seven out of the country’s nineteen EP seats. S&D follows with five seats, EAPN nets three, and the Greens get two. Finally, ALDE snatches one seat in Austria. After Brexit, Austria’s 19th seat will go to EPP.

Belgium (21 seats)

Turnout: 88% (-1%)
System: proportional in three constituencies: 12 Flemish, 8 French, and 1 German-speaking seats.

Belgians turned out to vote en masse since voting is mandatory and the poll coincided with general and local elections in the country. The vote happened in a time of political instability following the government’s downfall as a result of the Marrakesch migration deal; the liberal government in coalition with the conservative N-VA are in decline, while the ideological division between the two main parties is growing. While the Flemish vote leans more towards the right, the French community is swinging towards the left.

The results are aligned with the general election, awarding big gains for the far right secessionist Vlaams Belang (EAPN). The secessionists thus established themselves as the second largest party after the N-VA (ECR). Meanwhile, Brussels and Wallonia join the Franco-German green wave as Ecolo (G-EFA) becomes the second largest party, following the centre-left PS (S&D).

Bulgaria (17 seats)

Turnout: 30% (-5%)
System: proportional with preferential voting, no threshold.

The ruling conservative and populist party GERB (EPP) won a plurality in the European elections, garnering 31% of the vote. GERB is trending upwards from their 2014 result, which had been 24%. The populist, socialist party BSP (S&D) comes second with 24% of votes, ahead of liberal DPS (ALDE) with 12% and Eurosceptic VMRO (ECR) at 8%. A coalition of Green and EPP parties, called DB, secured 7% of the vote.

EPP will secure the lion’s share of Bulgarian seats, taking seven. S&D comes second with five, followed by ALDE at three. The ECR is the last group to secure Bulgarian seats, with two.

Croatia (12 seats)

Turnout: 30% (+5%)
System: open-list proportional representation, single constituency.

The ruling liberal-conservative HDZ (EPP) and the social democratic SDP (S&D) have each obtained four MEPs despite huge popular vote losses that left them with a 23% and 19% of vote share, with respective losses of 19% and 8% of votes compared to 2014.

The Croatian Eurosceptic conservatives HR (ECR) secured one seat, as did the former mayor of Zagreb, Kolakušić (independent). The anti-globalist and mild Eurosceptic Human Shield ŽZ (EFDD) also secured one seat, as did the social liberal Amsterdam Coalition. Parties such like the centre-left ethnic regionalist Independent Democratic Serb Party (SDSS) or the right-wing Croatian Party of Rights have failed to secure a seat.

Cyprus (6 seats)

Turnout: 45% (+1%)
System: open list proportional representation, Hare quota for threshold.

The ruling Democratic Rally (EPP) came in first with 29% of votes, down from the 38% garnered in 2014. Following them is the left-wing opposition party, AKEL, at 27%. As it was the case in 2014, these parties have secured two seats each. The center-left Democratic Party comes third with 14% and also secures two seats, one up from the 2014 elections. This leaves the Socialist party with no representation in the European Parliament.

Niyazi Kızılyürek, who is AKEL’s second candidate, will be the first Turkish Cypriot to sit in the European Parliament. Consequently, Turkish Cypriots are regarded in Cyprus as the biggest winners of this election.

Czechia (21 seats)

Turnout: 29% (+11%)
System: single-constituency proportional.

The ruling centre-right ANO 2011 (ALDE) have won the election with 21% of the vote, gaining six seats. They are followed by the soft Eurosceptic and conservative Civic Democratic Party ODS (ECR), which won 14% of the votes and four seats, doubling their representation.

Czech Pirates come in third with 14% of the ballots and three seats, two points ahead of the EPP liberal-conservative coalition led by TOP 09. Their fellow EPP members, the century-old Christian democrat KDU–ČSL, will send and MEP supported by 7% of electors. On the extremes of the political spectrum, the Europhobic far-right SPD (EAPN) won two seats and 9% of the vote, ahead of the Communists with 7% and a single seat.

This is the first time the Czech Social Democratic Party fail to win any seats since Czechia entered the EU, hitting an all-time low of 4%. The vast majority of their votes are believed to have gone to the Pirates, who are pro-EU yet very sceptical of political elites.

Denmark (13 seats)

Turnout: 66% (+10%)
System: single-constituency proportional.

The ruling Venstre (ALDE) surprisingly emerged as the big winners, collecting three MEPs. They were expected to hit a three-decade low in the coming general election, but this win will put a question mark on the polls’ ability to predict election results. Radikale Venstre, also an ALDE member, doubled their seat count from one to two, banking on the highly popular Commissioner for Competition and ALDE lead candidate Margrethe Vestager.

The Danish Social Democrats (S&D) marginally increased their vote share, keeping their three seats. On the other hand, the Conservatives (EPP) have seen their vote share drop by almost 3%, albeit they preserve their single MEP. On the anti-EU front, the Danish People Party (ECR) were the night’s losers. They have seen their support reduced by more than 15%, retaining only one of the four seats secured in 2014.

Estonia (6 seats)

Turnout: 38% (+1%)
System: single-constituency proportional, no threshold.

The centrist, classical liberal Reform party (R – ALDE) scored a clear victory with 26% of the vote, and is thus confirmed as Estonia’s largest party. It finished a mere three points ahead of SDE, a centre-left party that bounced back from recent disappointments to score 23%, ten points more than in 2014. Populist centrist party Centre (K – ALDE) is third, with a disappointing 14%. Far-right party EKRE (EAPN) comes fourth with 12% of the vote, beating centre right party Pro Patria (I – EPP), whose decline continues unabated, collecting just above 10% of the vote.

Estonia has been a happy hunting ground for pro-European forces this year, with ALDE netting three of the country’s six available seats in the European Parliament, and S&D gaining two. The sole remaining seat goes to the far-right group EAPN. Estonia will gain an additional, seventh seat after Brexit, and the EPP will be the beneficiary with Pro Patria entering the parliament.

Finland (13 seats)

Turnout: 41% (+2%)
System: single-constituency proportional

In Finland, as in several other Member States, the Green Party (G-EFA) made important strides in the election, ending at around 16%, a six-point increase from the last election that will grant them a second seat. However, the liberal-conservative party, Nationella Samlingspartiet (EPP) is still considered the winner of the election, with around 20.8% (slightly lower than 2014) and two MEPs.

The Social Democrats (S&D) finished third at around 15%, gaining two MEPs. The True Finns party (ECR) rode their anti EU and anti immigration campaign to 14% and two seats themselves.The big loser in Finland is the Centre Party (ALDE), which plummeted by six points to 14%, suffering from the resignation of the coalition government they were a part of, back in March. The liberal Swedish minority party, Svenska folkpartiet (ALDE), loses a few votes, sitting at 6% but keeping its single seat.

France (74 seats)

Turnout: 50.1% (+7%)
System: single constituency, proportional, 5% threshold.

France headed to the polls after months of demonstrations by the yellow vests, in the presidential majority’s first real test since Macron’s electoral triumph two years ago. This election was a de facto referendum on the president’s agenda and the campaign had more to do with domestic matters than with European issues.

The yellow vests tried to come up with a common list, but they got no more than two thousand votes on Sunday. Their voters mainly turned up to support Marine Le Pen’s rebranded National Rally (EAPN), which came on top with 23% of the vote and twenty-two seats, two down from 2014. Macron’s party, LREM (ALDE+), are in second place in a very close race, as they got 22% of the ballot papers and twenty-one MEPs.

France is no exception to the green wave, with the French Greens securing their second-best result ever in an election of this kind. They were supported by 13% of voters and will get twelve seats, partially at the expense of Mélenchon’s far left Indomitable France (GUE/NGL), which plummeted to 6% of the votes. The traditional pillars of French politics, the Republicans and the Socialists, keep losing popular support and are heading towards irrelevance. The Republicans got 8% of the vote and eight MEPs, twelve down from 2014; the socialists, 6% and 5 seats.

Germany (96 seats)

Turnout: 61.4% (+13%)
System: single constituency, proportional with no threshold.

The elections delivered the Große Koalition a terrible blow. Weber’s Christian Democrats CDU-CSU (EPP), while still the largest party, dropped by 6% compared to 2016, ending up at 29% of the vote, with 29 seats. Centre-left SPD (S&D) endured more severe losses, scoring 15.8% (-11.5%) and securing only 11 seats. Party leader Andrea Nahles has resigned in the wake of what is the party’s worst election results in living memory.

The Greens, on the other hand, have grounds for hope as they surge to second place, netting 20% of the vote and 21 MEPs – almost doubling their 2014 result. With one third of voters under 30 casting a vote for environmental protection, there is talk of a Greta effect. The right-wing populist AfD (EAPN) reached 11% and got eleven seats, quelling fears that Germany would turn sharply to the right.

German seats will also be filled by the left-wing Die Linke (GUE-NGL), which got 5.5% and five representatives; the liberal FDP (ALDE), with similar figures; the satirical Die Partei, which collected a 2.4% protest vote and secured two seats; and Free Voters (EDP), with two MEPs. The remaining five seats will be taken by the Human Envornment Animal Protection party, the Ecological Democratic party, the Family party, Volt Europa, and the German Pirates.

Greece (21 seats)

Turnout: 59% (-1%)
System: single-constituency proportional, 3% threshold.

Greece has seen a fairly even split between the two local major parties, with the ruling soft Eurosceptic Syriza (GUE/NGL) getting six seats and the pro-European Nea Demokratia (EPP) obtaining eight. The opposition party, which suffered heavily for its role in Greece’s corruption scandals and economic hardship, bounced back ahead of Syriza by exploiting popular opposition to the name deal with North Macedonia.

The locally minor Communist Party (NI) and neo-Nazi Golden Dawn (NI) fared marginally, gaining two seats each, and a coalition of centre-left pro-european movements, KINAL (S&D) also gained two seats. The remaining seat was won by Solution for Greece, (Others), a three-year old eurosceptic party that openly admires Russian strongman Vladimir Putin.

Hungary (21 seats)

Turnout: 43% (+14%)
System: single constituency, proportional representation.

As expected, the ruling right wing Fidesz have come in first with 52% of the vote, securing 13 seats, one up from 2014. Viktor Orban’s party, currently in the EPP with suspended membership, ran a campaign personally targeting Commission President Juncker and billionaire George Soros.

The remaining seats go to the opposition parties, with the pro-EU DK (Democratic Coalition) taking 4 seats and thus doubling on their current representation. The brand-new and also pro-EU Momentum party, which was one of the surprising winners of the night, got two seats. The biggest losers were on the extremes: the neo-Nazi party Jobbik lost one of their current two MEPs. The socialist MSZP-Párbeszéd are in a similar predicament, as they go down from two to one MEP. Away from the extremes, the centre also suffered, with green centrist LMP failing to retain its outgoing seat as a result of an internal crisis.

Ireland (11 seats)

Turnout: 50% (-3%)
System: single transferable vote with three constituencies

EU elections took place on the same day as local elections and a referendum to relax divorce laws. The results are only partial, since Ireland’s southern constituency is busy with a recount which is likely to take several weeks. Nevertheless, Ireland once more produced overwhelmingly pro-EU elections results, with the ruling Fine Gael (EPP) winning 29% of the vote and five seats. Liberal Fianna Fáil (ALDE) arrived a distant second with 16% of the vote and two seats. The Greens also won two seats, sitting in third at 11%.

Sinn Féin (GUE/NGL) was the night’s loser, defending only one of their three outgoing seats. A collection of independent parties got a collective 23% of the vote, with their flagship Independents 4 Change securing 11%, but its members have no current affiliation in the Parliament. The Labour Party plummeted to 3%, failing to secure a seat. Following Brexit, Ireland will be apportioned two extra seats that would provisionally be taken by Fianna Fail (ALDE) and the Greens (pending recount in Ireland South).

Italy (76 seats)

Turnout: 54% (-3%)
System: proportional preferential voting with five constituencies, electoral threshold at 4%.

Election results in Italy were anomalous compared to European trends. The far-right North League (EAPN) became the largest party in the country, nearly doubling on its results of the 2018 general election. The party, however, scored lower than predicted by polls, collecting 34% of the vote. The opposition centre-left PD (S&D) recovered a part of the votes lost in 2018, coming at 22% – but still light years away from its lofty 2014 victory with 41% of the vote.

The North League’s coalition parties, the Five Stars (EFDD, future affiliation uncertain) dropped from the 33% they scored in the general elections to 18% and third place. Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia (EPP) comes fourth with 8%, followed by far right Fratelli d’Italia (ECR) at 6%. The pro European liberal party Più Europa (ALDE) failed to secure a seat, as did the Greens and the radical left.

EAPN reaps the bounty as a result, gaining 28 seats against the 18 going to S&D. EPP gained 8 seats, and ECR collected 5. Since the future affiliation of the Five Stars is uncertain, their current 14 seats are not going to benefit any of the existing groups in the Parliament at time of writing. Given the poor performance of the Five Stars’ allies elsewhere in the EU, their plan to set up a new group in Parliament has failed.

Latvia (8 seats)

Turnout: 33% (+3%)
System: proportional, single national constituency

Latvians headed to the polls seven months after a general election, where the Russian minority social democrat party Harmony (S&D) came atop the ballot but was excluded from coalition talks. Thus, Latvia resorted to a five-party government coalition between New Unity (EPP), the National Alliance (ECR), the New Conservatives (unaffiliated, but centre-right pro-EU), Who Owns the State? (right-wing, anti-establishment, soft Eurosceptic), and Development/For! (ALDE). All this broad church of parties have in common is that they are not ethnically Russian.

The results had little to do with the 2014 election, confirming the recent volatility of Latvian politics. New Unity got 26% of the vote and two MEPs, down from four in 2014. Harmony, with 17%, and two MEPs, as well as the National Alliance, with 16% and a further two MEPs, doubled their representation. The brand-new liberal party Development/For! performed well at 12%, and the Latvian Russian Union (G-EFA) got 6%. This leaves two government parties without representation in the hemicycle.

Something that might set Latvia apart is the fact that Euroscepticism has been far from a central campaign topic, perhaps due to fear of Russia. Of the mainstream parties, only the National Alliance are close to the far-right, but they are yet to join the Eurosceptic bandwagon.

Lithuania (11 seats)

Turnout: 42% (-5%)
System: proportional with one national constituency

The ballot, held concurrently with the second round of the presidential election, was won by the liberal-conservative Homeland Union (TS, EPP), led by Gabrielus Landsbergis. They have won one fifth of the vote and, in doing so, they have secured three seats. They are closely followed by the centre-left Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP, S&D), which got 16% of the vote and two seats.

Coming in third place were the social liberals of the Liberal Movement of the Lithuanian Republic (ALDE), who doubled their 2014 representation and will send two MEPs this time. Also with two seats were the conservative and ecologist Agrarian and Greens Lithuanian Union (G-EFA). Both the Labour Party (ALDE) and the Polish minority LLRA (ECR) will be sending one representative each.

Lithuania has no parties on the LSDP’s left, for Lithuania banned communist and fascist parties in 1991. Thus, the far-right Order and Justice are the best-known party close to the right extreme of the country’s political spectrum, yet their vote share fell well short of securing a seat.

Luxembourg (6 seats)

Turnout: 84% (-1%)
System: proportional, single nationalconstituency

The conservative CSV (EPP) have obtained their worst result in a European election to this day. Juncker’s party has dramatically dropped from a 37.7% vote share in 2014 to an all-time low of 21.1%, losing one of their three seats. After being excluded from the governing coalition in the 2018 general election, the centre-right party’s further decline in the EP elections evidences the changes in the Luxembourgish political landscape.

Conversely, the ruling DP (ALDE) made significant gains and became the largest party in Luxembourg by just 0.3% of the vote share. Support for Dei Gréng (Greens – EFA) rose to 18% of the voting percentage, albeit their efforts to secure a second MEP have been unsuccessful. LSAP (S&D) retain their single seat with similar numbers to the 2014 EP elections.

Luxembourg is one of the five member states with a compulsory voting system, and so it has the second highest turnout in the EU. However, the small country has not kept pace with the general upward trend across the Union, for the Grand Duchy has seen its lowest ever turnout.

Malta (6 seats)

Turnout: 72% (-2%)
System: proportional, single transferable vote (STV).

There are no party lists in Malta, and candidates are voted individually. They contest the election either endorsed by a party or as independents. In order to get elected, a candidate has to overcome the quota, which is the number resulting from dividing the number of valid votes by the number of seats plus one, i.e. seven. Candidates achieving the quota in the counting process have their remaining votes transferred to candidates further down on the preference list.

The Labour Party of Malta (S&D) sailed on to an astonishing landslide victory, securing 55% of the votes, which is the largest majority won in the island’s electoral history. The party also secured the record as the national party with the highest voting percentage at home in the European Parliament, granting four parliamentary seats to S&D.

The centre-right Nationalist Party (EPP) got 36% of the votes, and the two remaining seats. All other parties and candidates combined got the remaining 7% of the vote. Of these, the largest share (3.2%) goes to the neo-Nazi party Imperium Europa, which advocates for an ethno-nationalist pan-European federation. As such, the party fails to secure a seat.

Netherlands (26 seats)

Turnout: 42% (+5%)
System: proportional representation, single national constituency

Dutch electors were among the first to vote in the four-day-long European elections. While the media attention was centred around the controversial debate between Prime Minister Mark Rutte (VVD, part of ALDE) and Eurosceptic FvD’s head Thierry Baudet (ECR), S&D lead candidate Frans Timmermans stole the spotlight.

In a turn of events, the Dutch centre-left PvdA (S&D) secured six seats to win the election. The so-called Timmermans effect propelled the Dutch Labour party to their best election results in Europe since 2004. On the other hand, the staunchly pro-EU D66 (ALDE) lost two out of the four seats they held in 2014. Rutte’s ruling centre-right VVD (ALDE) and the environmentalist left party GroenLinks (EGP) both increased their number of seats by one, with four and three MEPs respectively.

Geert Wilders’ pro-Nexit PVV (MENF) lost all of its four MEPs. It appears PVV’s voters turned to the other anti-EU party Forum voor Democratie (ECR). Keeping the upward trend of the last provincial elections, the polls forecast a win for Thierry Baudet’s eurosceptic FvD. However, the party ended in fourth place with three seats.

Poland (51 seats)

Turnout: 46% (+22%)
System: proportional representation with a single national constituency, 8% threshold

Poles, much like in the national elections, are mostly split between two parties: the ruling PiS (ECR) and PO (EPP). PiS, which showed more than the usual soft Euroscepticism before the elections by calling for EU powers to be returned to Member States, have garnered 26 seats, confirming their position as the country’s largest party. PO, the party of European Council President Donald Tusk, together with its pro-EU coalition KE, got a little less than PiS, with 22 seats combined. Of this coalition, EPP gained 16 seats, S&D 5 seats, and the remaining seat in other group to be determined.

Wiosna (S&D), which is a brand-new pro-EU party that emerged only in February 2019, managed to grab 3 seats. Konfederacja, a hard Eurosceptic right-wing party, failed to gain any seats in the European Parliament.The turnout of this election doubled for Poland, but still fell somewhat short of EU average.

Portugal (21 seats)

Turnout: 31% (-2%)
System: proportional, single national constituency, no threshold

The ruling PS (Socialist Party, S&D) won the election, securing one third of the votes and nine seats. They are followed by the center-right EPP member PSD (Social Democratic Party), supported by 22% of voters and getting six seats; and BE (Left Bloc, GUE/NGL), whose 10% share of vote will grant them two seats. Surprisingly, People-Animals-Nature party scored 5,08% and obtained its first MEP, who will sit with the rising European Greens.

Romania (32 seats)

Turnout: 49% (+16%)
System: proportional, single national constituency

The vote was a tight race between PNL (EPP), PSD (S&D suspended membership), and the brand-new alliance Alianta 2020. They got 26%, 23%, and 21% of the votes, respectively.

PNL, a conservative-liberal party, won ten seats, four up from 2014, to secure a win not foreseen by the polls, that predicted the social-democratic PSD to win the election. However, PSD have come in closely with their eight elected representatives, thus retaining their current strength in the European Parliament. Also with eight seats come Alianta 2020, a coalition of staunchly pro-EU new parties aiming to represent the interests of all Romanians, against nationalists and populists.

The remaining six seats are evenly split between the social liberal Partidul PRO Romania, founded by former prime minister Victor Ponta, UDMR (EPP), the party representing the Hungarian minority, and PMP (EPP), a center-right party led by the former Romanian head of state Traian Băsescu.

Slovakia (14 seats)

Turnout: 22% (+9pp). System: single constituency, proportional preferential voting, 5% threshold.

The new pro-EU coalition of Progressive Slovakia + SPOLU won the election, gaining 20% of preferences and thus obtaining four seats (two in ALDE and two in EPP). Below, we find ruling SMER – SD party (16%, three seats in S&D) and only then far-right L’SNS (12%, two unaffiliated seats).

While Slovakia is the member state with the lowest turnout, it is nearly the double of what it was in 2014, following the upward cross-border trend.

Slovenia (8 seats)

Turnout: 28%.
System: proportional with preferential voting, one national constituency, 4% electoral threshold.

The populist, conservative SDS party (EPP) won a large plurality with 26% of votes. This party is known for its adoption of Donald Trump as a role model, and for having Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban as an affiliate and patron, signifying Slovenia’s recent shift to the right.

Centre-left SD (S&D) come in second, with 18% of the vote, ahead of LMS (ALDE) with 15%. The latter is a catch-all party founded and headed by former comedian and journalist Marjan Sarec. All other parties have failed to secure a seat, save for the centre-right NSi (EPP), which scored 11%.

EPP gets the lion’s share of seats in Slovenia, gaining four out of eight. The two remaining seats go to S&D and ALDE, respectively.

Sweden (21 seats)

Turnout: 55% (+4%)
System: proportional, single national constituency

The run-up to the European elections in Sweden was rocked by three political scandals: incompatibilities, travel expenditure, and sexual harassment accusations. They affected, respectively, the Liberal Party’s (ALDE) top candidate, Cecilia Wikström, Left Party’s (GUE-NGL) Malin Björk, and Sweden Democrats’ (ECR) Peter Lundgren. The election results reflected this.

The scandals mostly damaged the Liberals, who will hang on by the skin of their teeth and secure one seat, from the two obtained in 2014. On the other hand, it is the far right Sweden Democrats who emerge as the perceived winners, scoring 15% (5% up from 2014) and thus sending three MEPs. The Moderate Party (EPP) also made gains, polling at 17% and securing four seats. The Centre Party (ALDE) nearly doubled their vote share to get 11% of the ballots and two seats.

The largest party is still the Social Democrats (S&D) with 23% and five MEPs, a slight decrease from the last election. The Christian Democrats (EPP) scored a minor success, ending at 9%. Despite getting 11%, the Green Party (G/EFA) cannot be happy with the result, as they lost 5% from 2014. The only Party to be expelled from the European Parliament were Feminist Intiative (S&D) which scored a measly 0.8%.

Spain (54 seats)

Turnout: 65% (+21%)
System: proportional representation, single national constituency, no threshold.

The ruling social-democrat PSOE emerge as the night’s winners and take a twenty-seat tally, with the first double-digit victory in share of vote since 1994. The results were an ugly read in the left-wing Podemos’s headquarters; in spite of their gaining one MEP to make a total of six, they are five seats below the bar set by their 2014 combination with IU, now without representation.

The conservative PP come in second and will send twelve representatives, four down from their 2014 figures. The liberal Cs are third with seven seats, up from the six obtained in 2014 if we count the now-irrelevant UPyD four MEPs. Further on the right we find the Eurosceptic and nationalist Vox’s three parliamentarians.

The Catalan pro-independence parties keep their five MEPs, with the left-leaning Ahora repúblicas (now republics) obtaining three MEPs, one up from 2014, and the right-leaning Junts (together) sending two representatives. Closing the table is the Coalition for a Solidary Europe, formed by centred non-separatist nationalist and regionalist, who will be represented by one member.

This election, with an unusually high turnout, was held on the same day as local and regional elections in Spain, only four weeks after a general election with similar figures. For the Catalan pro-independence parties, the campaign revolved around independence. Vox, adamantly opposed to it, also treated this issue with prominence. For the rest of the parties, the European election revolved around social issues, and their preferred way to achieve an even-closer union in Europe.

United Kingdom (73 seats)

Turnout: 37% (+4%)
System: proportional, no threshold, twelve constituencies.

The Brexit Party won a plurality in the UK, with 32% overall and 29 seats. They advocate leaving the EU without a deal but have no other policies as yet. Combined with UKIP, the only other party to advocate this policy, 35% of votes went to parties advocating a no deal Brexit.

Pro Remain parties won more votes than those advocating no deal. The Liberal Democrats (ALDE) won 20% of the vote and 16 seats, up from 7% and 1 seat in 2014. The Green Party (G-EFA) won 12% of the vote and 7 seats. Newly-launched Change UK secured 3.4% of votes but failed to get representation. The pro Remain Scottish National Party (S&D) took 38% of the vote in Scotland and 3.6% nationally, electing 3 MEPs. 1 MEP was elected for Plaid Cymru (G-EFA) in Wales, equating to 1% of votes nationally.

The Conservatives (ECR) campaigned on their negotiated deal and lost 15 of their 19 seats and reduced their vote share from 24% to 9%, their worst result in history. Meanwhile, Labour’s (S&D) Brexit policy of delivering Brexit following a general election and possibly backing a confirmatory referendum was not clear to voters. They finished third, dropping from 20 MEPs to 10 and 25% of the vote to 14%.

Turnout was lower in Northern Ireland than in 2014, down from 52% to 45%. They used a separate preferential system with a threshold of 155,000 votes. Alliance (ALDE) won the first seat, while the UUP (ECR) lost the seat they had held since 1979. The far right unionist party DUP (unaffiliated) and Sinn Fein (GUE) took the remaining two seats.

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The 1^st of December is a public holiday in Portugal. Local governments organise a number of cultural events and the Portuguese remember their historical heritage from a time when Portugal was one of the most important countries of the world. Monarchists use the day to emphasise the historical importance of the Portuguese monarchy and the role that they played in the development of the Portuguese nation. Here are ten other facts about Portugal; use them to impress your family, friends, and colleagues at parties and elsewhere!

1 – The country has had the same defined borders since 1139, when Afonso Henriques was proclaimed the first King of Portugal. In addition, its capital Lisbon is around four centuries older than Rome and the second oldest European capital after Athens. Historians believe that the city was founded by the Phoenicians around 1200 BC, thanks to the transport possibilities offered by the river Tagus.

2 – Portugal has one of the world’s most advanced ATM systems. It allows for more than 60 operations including charity donation, phone credit top-ups, and buying concert tickets.

3 – Portugal once had a dead queen. When Pedro I was crowned king of Portugal in 1357, he proclaimed his dead lover Inês de Castro ‘queen’, even though she had been decapitated two years earlier on the orders of Pedro’s father, King Alfonso IV. According to legend, when Pedro ascended the throne after his father’s death, he had Inês’s body exhumed and placed upon a throne, dressed in rich robes and jewels, and required all his vassals to kiss the hand of the deceased queen.

4 – Rio de Janeiro became the capital of Portugal in 1808. That year, the Portuguese royal family and most of the associated Lisbon nobles, fleeing from Napoleon’s invasion of Portugal, moved to Portugal. This is the only instance in history of a European capital being located outside of geographical Europe

5 – Portugal is home to the longest bridge in Europe: the Vasco da Gama Bridge in Lisbon. Also related to this bridge is the world record for the largest dining table, which was set on the bridge to serve lunch for around 15.000 people as part of the inauguration celebrations.

6 – On All Saints’ Day 1755, Lisbon was hit by one of the most severe earthquakes in European history. The quake had a magnitude of around 9.0 on the Richter scale and was followed by a tsunami that almost destroyed the city. Because it happened on All Saints Day, churches were filled with candles, which caused major fires when they toppled and fell. 275.000 residents were killed and 85% of the buildings were left in ruins. The Secretary of the State of Internal Affairs’ response at the time was not limited to the practicalities of reconstruction. He ordered a questionnaire sent to all parishes of the country regarding the earthquake and its effects. He was the first to attempt an objective scientific description of the broad causes and consequences of an earthquake. Because of this, the Marquis of Pombal is regarded as a forerunner of modern seismological scientists.

7 – Portugal and England have been allies since 1373 with the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty. This alliance has been resealed in 1386 at Windsor, making it the longest unbroken treaty still in effect today.

8 – In 1968, Prime Minister Salazar suffered a cerebral hemorrhage. He was expected to die shortly after, so President Américo Tomás wasted no time replacing him with Marcelo Caetano. However, despite the hemorrhage, Salazar lived for a further two years. When he unexpectedly recovered partial lucidity, his intimates did not tell him he had been supplanted. Instead, he was made to believe he was still in power for the next two years of his life, until his death in July 1970.

9 – It is world leader in the production of renewable energy. Almost 70% of its energy needs are covered by hydro, wind, and solar power. Portugal is also able to convert the movement of ocean waves into electricity and energy, making the country one of the least worried about a future shortage of energy.

10 – Based on the number of Portuguese inhabitants, the second-largest “Portuguese city” is actually Paris, France. There are nearly 700.000 Portuguese living there. But Paris is not the only place in Europe which attracts many Portuguese people: around 12% of the population of Luxembourg is also Portuguese.

Guest article by Bernard van Dulmen Krumpelman. The content of this article does not necessarily reflect the official opinion of My Country? Europe. Responsibility for the information and views expressed therein lies entirely with the author.

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The British delegation currently consists of 73 MEPs, nearly 10% of the European Parliament. Its members are elected through a proportional system, as opposed to the first past the post, majority system used for British national election. As a result, British parties experiencing difficulties getting elected on the national level have found European parliamentary elections to be greener pastures. As an example, UKIP won 24 seats in 2014, while the Greens took three.  Neither of them has ever had more than one MP in the British parliament.

Only twenty-seven of the total 73 seats currently allocated to the United Kingdom will be redistributed to the remaining 27 EU countries. The rest will be disbanded, effectively shrinking the Parliament, although they will be available to new Member States in the future. European Parliament seats are allocated to Member States proportionally to their population, and the redistribution will thus fix recent imbalances in country representation This will also have an effect on Parliamentary groups, however.

British MEPs have contributed differently to different groups. They have, however, been most influential in the soft and hard Eurosceptic groups, so let us begin there.

Eurosceptic Success Backfires

Starting at the bottom, the small nationalist group Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF, 37 seats) currently has one British MEP. However, it was set to lose this MEP anyway, as she was expelled from UKIP.

The ENF has long struggled to receive and keep its group status. Political Group status is vital, as it guarantees seats on committees and grants extra subsidies. Groups need at least 25 MEPs, and are required to have those MEPs come from at least seven different member states. As the ENF is sure to lose both its sole British and Romanian MEP, and with its Polish and German MEPs facing tough re-election odds, it risks failing that second requirement.

Next, the hard Eurosceptic Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) currently consists of 45 seats. Led by UKIP’s Nigel Farage, it clearly suffers the most from Brexit. With the loss of UKIP’s twenty seats and with its four French members unlikely to be re-elected, the group fails both status requirements.

The group’s Czech, German, Polish and Lithuanian delegations all consist of only one MEP, further increasing the risk of losing its vital group status. For its survival, EFDD is dependent on both electoral success by its current members, such as Sweden Democrats and the Italian 5-Star Movement, which only months ago tried to defect to the pro-EU ALDE group.

Recruiting new members remains a distinct possibility, however. The German party Alternative für Deutschland may come to its rescue, as it is likely to increase its number of MEPs. To date, one AfD MEP is already part of the EFDD. The new Dutch hard Eurosceptic party ‘Forum voor Democratie’ might also serve as a new crutch. The party has confirmed participation in the 2019 election and has not yet declared which group membership, if any, it will pursue should it wins seats.

Brexit had less of an impact on the left than it did on the Eurosceptic right. The Greens–European Free Alliance (Greens–EFA, currently at 51 seats) and the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL, currently at 53 seats) stand neither to benefit nor to lose much. Greens-EFA will lose its six British members, taking a noteworthy but not crucial loss, while GUE-NGL will say goodbye to its single Sinn Féin MEP.

The Fight For Third Place

The race for third place will also be affected by the farewell of the British delegation. The fight is currently between the liberal pro-EU Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE, 68 seats) and the conservative, soft Eurosceptic European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR, 74 seats). In 2014, the ECR managed to surpass both ALDE and Greens-EFA to become the third largest party. However, with Brexit looming, the ECR is set to lose twenty Conservative Party MEPs plus a Ulster Unionist MEP, taking away almost a third of its current membership. ALDE, at the same time, loses  its lone Liberal Democrat MEP.

For 2019, ALDE is hoping Emmanuel Macron’s La Republique En Marche, polling between 20 and 30 seats, will join its ranks after the parliamentary elections. En Marche is profoundly pro-European and is considering running on a shared list with French ALDE-member MoDem, so such a move seems likely. Should En Marche indeed join ALDE, combined with the little effect Brexit will have on it, the liberal group could potentially reach up to 100 seats.

ECR could make up some of the difference by expanding its share of the vote as it did in 2014, but faces an uphill climb if it wants to retain third place. After Brexit, and assuming no changes, the ECR would run 15 seats behind ALDE, even without En Marche.

ECR’s chief hope would be to find new parties. The AfD used to be with ECR, but was expelled in 2016 due to racist comments by some of its MEPs. Internally, the ECR will experience a transformation as the Polish government party PiS becomes its sole large member. PiS easily outmatches all its other members, most of which have only one or two MEPs. ECR could end up being dominated by the Polish party, potentially scaring away new small members.

And the winner is…

At the top, the Christian-democratic European Peoples Party (EPP, 217 MEPs) will benefit the most, strengthening

its current position as largest faction. While the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D, 189 MEPs) takes a sensitive hit by losing its 20 Labour MEPs, the EPP is the only faction without any British MEPs and consequently benefits from the British departure, expanding its percentage share of seats.

With the decline of social-democratic parties, it already seems unlikely the S&D will be able to hold on to its current seats, let alone challenge the EPP for first place.

Britain out, Europe in

The results of Brexit on the European parliament are unmistakably ironic. With ENF likely to lose group status, EFDD fighting to keep it, and ECR deprived of a significant share of their seats, the Eurosceptic wing of the parliament is arguably the one that suffers the most from Brexit. All three will look to survive by expanding their  share of votes and recruiting new parties, but will have to compete with each other.

On the left, the three left-wing groups take small losses, but could make those up in the election. However, as some suffer, others benefit. ALDE and EPP have something to look forward to, as Brexit increases their combined share of the seats from 38% to 42% without a single vote cast. With ALDE expected to be joined by a strong En Marche and S&D down on its luck, it is starting to look increasingly likely that Brexit will result in a European Parliament dominated by a strong, pro-European center-right plurality, perhaps even a majority.

Guest article by Casper Veenhuysen.

Disclaimer from author:

As the number of MEPs in the groups tends to fluctuate and exact numbers differ per source, it is possible the given numbers are slightly off. The author apologises and takes full responsibility for any possible errors. Furthermore, the author regrets that the article might have ignored Southern and Eastern European perspectives and parties. This would not a consequence of a lack of importance or interest, but solely due to the author’s limited knowledge on those perspectives, for which he also apologises.

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