Orban’s Dictatorship Is Another Virus That Hungary Doesn’t Need
The parliament's decision to grant government unlimited power may be another step towards the irreparable.
On Monday 30th, the Hungarian parliament voted 137 to 53 in favour of a bill that grants Orban and his government special powers to tackle the COVID-19 crisis. In these trying times, some extraordinary measures are inevitable, and each afflicted country has to do whatever is necessary to confront the pandemic, but human rights and democracy are not negotiable. Nonetheless the Hungarian premier is, once again, pursuing a course that leads straight to dictatorship.
Orban and The Bill
The bill contains a number of deeply worrying provisions. The first is that only official sources will now be allowed to report about the pandemic. This gives the government in Budapest an even tighter control on the media, as well as on the narrative of the coronavirus outbreak. What makes the bill even uglier is that those accused of spreading “false information” about the crisis could be punished with jail. Considering previous attacks on civil society carried out by Fidesz government, the opposition fears that these measures will allow the executive to silence legitimate critics to its management of the pandemic, and jail political opponents.
Another element of the bill that is even more horrifying is the government’s new ability to suspend parliamentary works and rule by decree without any timeframe. The opposition said they would have supported the bill if a timeframe was set. Orban decided to go alone, being able to count on a large majority in the parliament. If this measure is not overturned, it’s likely that for Hungary there will be no going back.
Once again, Orban showed that his vision of Hungary as an “illiberal democracy” (or, more accurately and honestly, a Russian-modeled dictatorship) is strong, ready to profit from any crisis to get even stronger. It’s unacceptable that such extraordinary measures, which are in and of themselves a dangerous tool in the hands of a wannabe dictator, have no time constraint. The generic reassurance that these will be abolished after the pandemic is over finds very little trust among those worried about Orban’s handling of the country. After all, if that was the intention, why not set a timeframe and then use extensions, like other countries in Europe are doing? Why not agree to a compromise with the opposition, to show national cohesion during a global crisis?
The answer is painfully obvious – this is a show of force against Orban’s Hungarian and European opponents. But it could be even worse: a testing of the Hungarian society, to evaluate its reaction to the establishment of a de facto dictatorship and a defanged parliament. Hungarians should be very worried about this and remember that, although history doesn’t necessarily repeat itself, giving a blank check to governments and eliminating forms of political dialogue such as parliamentarian debates and votes is a well-trodden path towards horrifying events.
Another Sickness In The EU
The lines of ideological battle are drawn, and they extend far beyond Hungary, and into the rest of Europe. Even with coronavirus absorbing so much of our attention, a cry for Orban to respect of democratic values has been met with the unwavering endorsement of other authoritarian and fifth columnist parties in Europe. The European Commission is keeping an eye on all new emergency laws introduced by Member States to fight against the COVID-19 outbreak, monitoring that they do not violate citizens’ fundamental rights, but it’s paying extra attention to Hungary’s case. Swift action will be required.
No dictatorship should be allowed to rise in the heart of the EU. No dictatorship should benefit from European funds while trampling on the EU’s founding principles. No dictatorship should enjoy membership of the EU’s ruling party, the EPP, even if it’s a suspended one. Every legitimate and appropriate resource must be used to prevent such an eventuality. The EPP should take a clear stance on Fidesz and its suspended membership. Civil society in Hungary must be supported and freedom of the media must be upheld. Finally, Article 7 – the so-called “nuclear option” – which has already been triggered against Hungary and stalled, should be pushed through to its natural conclusion. This can lead to the suspension of the voting right of a member country on EU decisions.
Unfortunately, the European Commission is not in a position to do much. The intergovernmental nature of the Union, alongside with unanimity requirements in certain votes, means that Hungary can rely on other Member States for support, while the EPP seems pathologically incapable of reaching a final decision regarding Fidesz. However, while Orban’s Hungary gets its fair share of concern for its legally sanctioned slides towards authoritarianism, it’s not the only country facing this danger. Poland stands close, and other authoritarian, fifth columnist parties in Europe are growing stronger or are already strong enough to claim large victories during elections. These menaces to the European project know no border, which is quite ironic itself. It follows, then, that the fight for democracy can’t be but a shared responsibility across the Continent.
